/ . /3 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


Purchased  by  the  Mary  Cheves  Dulles  Fund. 

Di'vision  oreso 

Section-’-  W.3'] 


AMONG  CONGO  CANNIBALS 


Boloki  Man  and  his  Wife 

Notice  the  cicatrice  on  the  man’s  forehead  and  on  the  woman’s  stomach.  The  brass  ring  round 
her  neck  in  some  cases  weighs  as  much  as  28  lbs.  In  her  hand  she  is  holding  a paddle. 


AMONG 

CONGO  CANNIBALS 


EXPERIENCES,  IMPRESSIONS,  AND  ADVENTURES 
DURING  A THIRTY  YEARS’  SOJOURN  AMONGST 
THE  BOLOKI  AND  OTHER  CONGO  TRIBES 
WITH  A DESCRIPTION  OF  THEIR 
CURIOUS  HABITS,  CUSTOMS 
RELIGION,  (sf  LAWS 


BY  ^ 

JOHN  H.  WEEKS 

CORRESPONDENT  TO  THE  ROYAL  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE  AND  TO 
THE  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY 

AUTHOR  OF  “ CONGO  LIFE  AND  FOLK-LORE,”  &fc,  (^C. 


WITH  54  ILLUSTRATIONS  &f  A MAP 


PHILADELPHIA 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 

LONDON  : SEELEY,  SERVICE  CO.  Ltd. 

1913 


PREFACE 


The  object  of  the  author  throughout  these  pages  has 
been  to  give  an  account  of  his  experiences  among  the 
Boloki  (or  Bangala),  and  a description  of  the  manners, 
habits,  customs,  etc.,  of  this  interesting  people  amidst  whom 
he  lived  in  closest  intimacy  as  a missionary.  The  author  went 
to  the  Congo  in  1881,  hence  his  residence  in  what  has  been 
aptly  called  “ Darkest  Africa  ” covers  a period  of  thirty  years — 
fifteen  of  which  were  spent  in  other  parts  of  the  Congo,  and 
fifteen  amongst  the  Boloki  people.  These  pages,  however,  are 
not  a record  of  missionary  life  and  work,  but  a descrip- 
tion of  primitive  life  and  native  organizations,  of  African 
mythology,  superstition,  and  witchcraft,  and  of  barbarities 
that  are  the  natural  outcome  of  the  native’s  view  of  life. 

The  writer,  from  the  very  first  days  of  his  life  amongst  the 
Boloki  folk,  kept  extensive  and  careful  notes  of  all  that  he  saw 
and  heard  around  him.  The  anthropology  and  folk  lore  of 
the  people  have  always  been  interesting  subjects  to  him  ; and 
while  reducing  the  language  to  writing,  a task  which  demanded 
a clear  understanding  of  the  various  words  in  use  and  the  cus- 
toms which  they  often  describe,  he  was  gaining  an  insight  into 
the  native  life  and  mode  of  thought  only  vouchsafed  to  those 
who  have  won  the  confidence  of  a savage  people,  and  are  living 
in  close  and  sympathetic  touch  with  them. 

The  author  has  no  particular  anthropological  axe  to  grind, 
but  has  tried  to  give  in  plain  language  what  he  has  seen  and 
heard,  leaving  to  the  reader  the  pleasure  of  forming  his  own 
theories.  The  reader  of  these  pages  may  rest  assured  that 
nothing  is  exaggerated  or  overcoloured.  Had  the  writer  wished 

9 


PREFACE 


he  could  have  described  the  appalling  corruption  of  native 
morals,  the  lack  of  innocency  even  among  the  very  young,  the 
absence  of  virtue  among  the  women,  and  the  bestiality  exist- 
ing among  the  men.  One  often  felt  the  need  of  a moral  bath 
to  cleanse  away  the  filth.  An  intimate  knowledge  of  the  natives 
impresses  one  with  this  fact : that  the  golden  age  has  not  yet 
dawned  for  them ; and  that  the  unsophisticated  savage  living 
a dolce  far  niente  existence  in  happy  surroundings  has  not  yet 
been  discovered  on  the  Congo. 

Had  this  been  a book  dealing  with  missionary  effort  among 
the  Boloki,  the  author  would  have  made  due  mention  of  the 
honoured  colleagues  who  so  unstintingly  shared  his  labours  at 
Monsembe  ; but  as  it  is  an  account  of  the  people  themselves, 
their  customs,  habits,  etc.,  this  must  be  his  apology  for  an 
omission  that  is  due  not  to  forgetfulness  of  happy  years  of 
comradeship,  spent  amid  many  perils  and  hardships,  but 
simply  to  the  limited  scope  of  the  narrative. 

The  author  is  much  indebted  to  the  Royal  Anthropological 
Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  for  permission  to  use 
his  articles  printed  by  them  in  their  Journal;  and  for  a similar 
kindness  extended  to  him  by  the  Council  of  the  Folk-Lore 
Society.  His  best  thanks  are  also  due  to  his  former  colleagues, 
the  Revs.  C.  J.  Dodds  and  R.  H.  Kirkland,  for  their  ready  per- 
mission to  use  the  photographs  bearing  their  names  ; to  Prof. 
F.  Starr,  of  Chicago  University,  for  permitting  the  cats’ 
cradles  to  be  reproduced  from  the  Proceedings  of  the  Daven- 
port Academy  of  Sciences ; and  to  Baron  Haulleville,  Directeur 
du  Musee  du  Congo  Beige,  for  permission  to  reproduce  here  the 
plates  of  some  of  the  Congo  Fish  which  were  made  from 
specimens  collected  by  the  author.  To  A.  R.  Wright,  Esq., 
Editor  of  Folk  Lore,  and  to  the  publishers’  Reader,  the  writer 
tenders  his  hearty  thanks  for  useful  criticisms  and  helpful 
suggestions. 

John  H.  Weeks. 


10 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

Page 

In  Search  of  a New  Site  . . ...  27 

CHAPTER  II 

Settling  at  Wonsbmbe  , . ...  38 

CHAPTER  III 

Struggles  with  the  Language  . . ...  48 

CHAPTER  IV 

Early  Days  at  Monseaibe  . . ...  65 

CHAPTER  V 

Arts  and  Crafts  and  Native  Industry  . . . . 79 

CHAPTER  VI 

Customs  : Some  Curious  and  some  Cruel  . . . 96 

CHAPTER  VII 

Social  Life  and  Organization  . 


11 


107 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VIII 

Page 

Marriage  and  Child-bearing  . . ...  122 

CHAPTER  IX 

Native  Education  . . . ...  140 

CHAPTER  X 

Native  Games  and  Pastimes  . . ...  149 

CHAPTER  XI 

A Page  of  Native  History  . . ...  159 

CHAPTER  XII 

Native  Government  and  the  Natives  . ...  169 

CHAPTER  XII 1 

Native  Laws,  Crimes,  and  Ordeals  . ...  179 

CHAPTER  XIV 

Mythology  and  Folk  Lore  . . ...  197 

CHAPTER  XV 

War  . . . . ...  222 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Hunting  . . . . . * . . 229 

12 


CONTENTS 


Fishing 

CHAPTER  XVII 

Page 

. 235 

Religious  Beliefs 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

. 246 

CHAPTER  XIX 

The  Boloki  World  op  Spirits  . . ...  261 

CHAPTER  XX 

Medicine  Men  and  their  Magic  . ...  276 


Taboos  and  Curses 

CHAFFER  XXI 

. 294 

CHAPTER  XXII 

Native  Charms  and  their  Uses  . ...  302 


Death  and  Burial 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

. 314 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

Native  Diseases  and  their  Treatment  . ...  324 


13 


CONTENTS 


APPENDIX 

Note  1. — On  Yeasts,  Ferments,  and  Bread  Making 
,,  2. — On  the  Boloki  Verb  . . . . 

,,  3. — On  the  Boloki  Method  of  Counting 

,,  4. — On  Boloki  Relations  or  Kinship 

,,  6. — On  Native  Diseases  . . . . 

,,  6. — On  the  Health  op  White  Men  on  the  Congo  . 

INDEX  . . . . . 


Page 

335 

336 
339 
342 

345 

346 

350 


14 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Boloki  Man  and  his  Wife  . . . . t'rontispiece 

A Meal  en  route  . . . . . . . 

A new  type  of  Native  House  . . . . 

A Village  Street  in  Monsembe  . . . . 

Group  of  Mobeka  Men  ..... 
Looking  up  Lake  Libinza  from  Bosisera 

Our  Boat  and  its  Crew  ..... 

A Room  in  the  Monsembe  House  . . . . 

Pots  and  Saucepans  for  sale,  Libinza  Lake 
A Native  Woman  of  Wealth  . . . . 

Burning  Grass  for  making  Salt  . . . . 

A Boloki  Drinking-bout  . . ... 

A Boloki  Woman  and  Child  ..... 

A Memorial  to  a deceased  Head-man 

Boloki  Women  preparing  an  Evening  Meal 

Group  of  Boloki  Women  at  Mobeka  . . . . 

Native  Carpenter  and  his  Workshop  . . . . 

Model  of  a State  Steamer  ..... 

Group  of  Libinza  Folk  ..... 

Mangwende.  A typical  Boloki  Head-man 

A Monitor  . . . . . . , 


Page 

22 

22 

34 

42 

42 

76 

76 

83 

90 

92 

100 

102 

104 

116 

118 

150 

150 

156 

160 

162 


15 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Page 

A Native  Hut  . . . . ...  162 

White  Ants’  Nest  . . . . ...  190 

Boloki  Boys  with  Wine  Jar  . . . ...  200 

Huts  built  for  use  during  War  time  . ...  222 

A Boloki  Shield  . . . . ...  224 

A Boloki  Method  of  Beheading  . . ...  226 

Tetrodon  Mbu  . . . . ...  236 

Gnathonemus  Numenius  . . . ...  236 

Genyomyrus  Donnyi  . . . ...  242 

Protopterus  Dolloi  , . . . ...  242 

A Mungala  Creek  Village  . . . ...  264 

A Libinza  Charm  for  protecting  a Village  . ...  278 

A Charm  for  increasing  the  Birth-rate  . ...  290 

Fetish  for  ensuring  good  health  to  Twins  . ...  308 

A method  of  Beheading  on  the  Upper  Congo  . ...  316 

Head-man  and  his  Wife  . . . ...  320 

Method  of  securing  a Prisoner  . . ...  326 

A Boloki  woman  dressing  her  Husband’s  Hair  . ...  326 

The  Author  doctoring  a Crocodile-bitten  Hand  . ...  332 


16 


AMONG 

CONGO  CANNIBALS 


INTRODUCTION 

WHEN  living  at  San  Salvador,  in  what  is  now  known 
as  the  Portuguese  Congo,  in  the  early  eighties  of  last 
century,  the  writer  frequently  conversed  with  the 
natives  about  the  inhabitants  of  the  far  interior  who  occupied 
the  banks  of  the  Great  Congo  River  and  its  tributaries.  The 
San  Salvador  folk  assured  him  that  the  natives  of  the  mysterious 
hinterland  were  “ half  fish  and  half  human  ” ; that  “ from  the 
navel  upwards  they  were  human,  and  downwards  they  were 
fish.”  No  arguments  would  alter  their  opinion,  and  no  amount 
of  good-natured  raillery  would  shift  them  from  their  position  ; 
and  they  generally  clinched  the  matter  by  saying : “You 
have  never  seen  these  people ; but  some  of  our  grandfathers 
saw  them,  and  told  our  fathers  about  them.” 

One  night  this  general  belief  that  up-river  folk  were  “ half 
fish  and  half  human,”  received  a severe  shock  from  which,  I 
think,  it  never  recovered.  A caravan  that  had  been  trading 
towards  Stanley  Pool  returned  to  San  Salvador  bringing  with 
it  a slave  woman  from  far  up  the  river.  About  midnight  I 
was  aroused  to  go  and  see  this  woman.  No  one  understood 
her  language ; but  she  was  making  vigorous  signs,  and  her 
owner  was  not  sure  whether  the  gestures  indicated  hunger, 
fatigue,  or  illness  ; so  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  “ call  the 
white  man  to  interpret  the  signs,”  or,  perchance  to  talk  with 
B 17 


INTRODUCTION 


her,  “ for  these  white  men  know  everything,  therefore  let  us 
send  for  one  residing  in  our  town.” 

On  arriving  at  the  hut  we  saw,  by  the  fliekering  blaze  of  the 
fire,  a fine,  well-proportioned  woman  of  splendid  physique. 
Her  hair  was  arranged  in  a coiffure,  coloured,  stiffened,  and 
kept  in  shape  by  being  plastered  with  palm-oil,  and  the  powder 
of  burnt  pea-nuts,  or  soot.  It  looked  as  though  she  wore  a 
shining  black  fez  on  her  head,  slightly  tilted  backwards.  She 
was  probably  a Bambala,  or  a Kiteke  woman  of  that  branch  of 
the  tribe  that  lived  behind  the  riverine  folk  three  hundred  miles 
above  Stanley  Pool. 

The  signs  were  interpreted  as  denoting  some  stomach  trouble, 
and  after  a little  medicine  had  been  given  we  heard  no  more 
about  it.  During  the  short  time  she  remained  in  the  town  she 
was  the  observed  of  all  observers — a curiosity  from  afar  ; but 
her  appearance  killed  once  for  all  “ the  half-human  and  half- 
fish  ” theory  the  San  Salvador  natives  had  so  fondly  held 
respecting  the  inhabitants  of  the  Upper  Congo. 

When  in  later  years  I went  to  live  among  the  Bangalas  on  the 
Upper  River,  I found  that  they  held  as  strange  theories  about  the 
remoter  peoples  higher  up,  or  north  and  south  of  them.  They 
would  tell  of  monsters  down  south  whose  chief  was  a woman  ^ 
with  a white  skin  that  shone  so  fiercely  that  the  eyes  of  those 
who  looked  on  her  were  scorched  ; or  of  people  away  north 
who  lived  in  trees  and  ate  raw  flesh,  etc.,  because  they  did  not 
know  how  to  make  a fire  ; or  of  folk  far  away  in  the  watery 
west  who  lived  half  their  time  in  the  water  and  had  webbed 
feet  like  ducks.  It  would  seem  as  though  folk  of  all  climes,  of 
all  ages,  and  of  all  degrees  of  civilization  have  amused  them- 
selves by  peopling  unknown  regions  with  mythical  monsters — 
Cyclops,  men  whose  heads  do  grow  beneath  their  shoulders, 
centaurs,  mermaids,  etc.,  and  that  even  the  savages  of  bar- 
barous Africa  beguiled  the  long  evenings  around  their  fires  by 

1 Had  the  fact  that  some  portions  of  South  Africa  were  governed  by  a 
woman  — Queen  Victoria  — filtered  through  the  tribes  in  this  distorted 
fashion  ? 


18 


INTRODUCTION 


conjuring  up  freaks  in  nature,  like  the  more  learned  ancients, 
to  inhabit  the  countries  beyond  their  ken. 

There  is  another  peculiarity  of  the  natives,  worthy,  perhaps, 
of  notice  in  this  connection  : those  who  live  on  the  coast 
always  refer  to  the  hinterland  folk  in  contemptuous  terms  as 
“ bush-people,”  i.e.  ignorant,  dull,  slow  in  the  up-take,  or  as  we 
say,  country  yokels,  clod-hoppers.  When  you  arrive  in  the 
hinterland  you  find  that  dwellers  in  the  large  towns  speak  of 
those  who  live  in  the  villages  and  hamlets  as  “ bush-people,” 
and  they  put  into  their  tones  such  contempt  that  one  is  sur- 
prised to  find  that  they  belong  to  the  same  tribe  and  speak  the 
same  language. 

Arriving  on  the  Upper  River  you  find  also  that  all  riverine 
peoples  speak  of  the  interior  folk — those  living  away  from  the 
river — as  “ bush-people,”  and  utterly  beneath  their  notice. 
There  is  no  more  opprobrious  phrase  that  can  be  flung  at  a 
native  than  to  call  him  a “ bush-man  ” in  a language  that  he 
understands.  He  will  resent  it,  and  if  there  is  the  slightest 
chance  of  success  he  will  fight  over  it. 

In  June,  1890,  after  having  lived  on  the  Lower  Congo  at 
San  Salvador  and  Matadi  for  nine  years,  I started  for  the 
Upper  Congo  for  the  purpose  of  seeking  out  a new  site  for 
missionary  effort  amongst  the  natives  of  a new  tribe  and  lan- 
guage. Between  the  last  navigable  point  on  the  Lower  Congo, 
Matadi,  and  the  commencement  of  the  navigable  water  on  the 
Upper  Congo,  Stanley  Pool,  there  were  240  miles  of  very  bad, 
rough  road. 

Since  those  days  a Belgian  company  has  built  a narrow- 
gauge  railway  running  between  Matadi  and  Stanley  Pool.  I 
cannot  pay  too  high  a tribute  to  the  splendid  courage,  persist- 
ency and  engineering  skill  exhibited  by  the  Belgians  who 
surveyed  the  land  for  the  lines  at  the  cost  of  many  lives  ; and 
built  the  railway,  conquering  immense  difficulties,  and  thus 
achieving  for  themselves  a great  and  deserved  financial  success. 
If  the  Congo  Free  State  had  sent  men  of  the  same  kind  and 
class  to  govern  the  country  that  the  railway  company  sent, 

19 


INTRODUCTION 


and  are  sending,  to  build  and  control  the  railway,  we  should 
never  have  heard  about  the  terrible  atrocities  that  have  taken 
place,  nor  should  we  have  heard  of  mal-administration,  cruel 
oppression,  and  the  mutilation  of  wretched,  unprotected 
natives. 

The  railway  officials  treat  their  native  employees  honourably 
and  honestly  ; and  although  hundreds  of  our  native  Christians 
work  on  the  railway  as  stokers,  guards,  brakesmen,  storekeepers, 
and  stationmasters,  I have  never  heard  a single  complaint 
from  them  against  their  white  masters.  They  have  to  work 
hard,  but  they  are  treated  justly,  and  they  are  sure  of  their  pay; 
and  our  native  Christians  are  always  ready  to  sign  contracts 
with  the  railway  authorities  for  one  or  more  years. 

In  the  early  eighties  the  road  from  Matadi  to  Stanley  Pool 
was  thickly  populated,  and  every  hour  or  two  brought  the 
traveller  to  a large,  decently-kept  town ; but  in  1890  the  people 
were  mostly  gone,  and  the  few  villages  left  on  that  long  stretch 
of  road  were  small  and  neglected,  and  the  few  remaining  people 
had  a wretched,  poverty-stricken  appearance.  Why  this 
change  ? 

In  the  meantime  the  country  had  become  the  possession  of 
the  African  International  Association,  which  quickly  changed 
into  the  Congo  Free  State  with  King  Leopold  II  of  Belgium 
as  its  ruler.  Zanzibaris  were  imported  during  this  period, 
armed  with  rifles,  and  sent  up-country  to  found  and  occupy 
the  State  stations  on  the  Upper  Congo.  These  soldiers  no  doubt 
were  liberally  provided  with  brass  rods  to  buy  native  food  on 
their  march  to  Stanley  Pool ; but  they  found  a people  practically 
unarmed,  for  what  were  flint-lock  guns  in  the  hands  of  natives 
— who  depended  more  on  the  magic  of  their  “ medicine-men  ” 
for  straight  shooting  than  on  the  accuracy  of  their  aim — against 
weapons  of  precision  in  the  hands  of  a trained  and  unscrupulous 
soldiery  such  as  were  the  Zanzibaris?  The  results  were  constant 
raiding  on  the  part  of  the  Zanzibaris ; looting  of  unprotected 
native  huts  ; taking  twenty  rods’  worth  of  food  and  throwing 
down  only  two  or  three  rods  in  payment ; and  often  when  there 

20 


INTRODUCTION 


was  a white  officer  in  charge,  and  he  was  appealed  to,  no 
redress  was  obtained  by  the  defrauded  native,  nor  punishment 
meted  out  to  the  offender ; but  frequently  the  accuser  was 
beaten  from  the  white  man’s  presence,  thus  adding  physical 
suffering  and  insult  to  the  loss  of  goods. 

There  is  a probability  that  the  natives  were  turbulent  and 
swaggering  in  their  attitude  ; but  it  was  not  until  after  the 
first  outrages  had  been  committed  by  the  Zanzibaris  that  the 
natives  retaliated  on  every  favourable  occasion.  From  what  I 
know  of  the  folk  from  thirty  years’  experience  of  them,  I feel 
sure  they  were  not  the  first  aggressors — they  had,  and  still 
have,  too  wholesome  a fear  of  rifles  to  be  that.  It  was  only 
when  they  had  been  treated  like  rats,  having  no  rights  in  their 
own  country,  that  at  last,  like  rats,  they  turned  at  bay  with 
hearts  inflamed  by  hatred  and  revenge.  But  flint-lock  guns 
could  not  compete  with  rifles ; and  small,  untrained  bodies  of 
men  lacking  leaders  and  cohesion  could  not  contend  against 
drilled  soldiers  who  fired  bullets  that  penetrated  two  or  three 
men,  so  there  was  nothing  for  them  but  to  leave  their  towns  on 
the  road,  and  build  away  in  the  forests  and  valleys  at  some 
distance  from  the  main  track  running  through  the  country. 

Hence  what  was  once  a populous  trade  route,  humming  with 
life  in  the  early  eighties,  had  become  by  1890  a desolate  track 
that  by  its  lack  of  people  disappointed  the  new-comer,  who  in 
Europe  had  heard  of  the  teeming  millions  of  the  Congo,  but 
could  not  now  in  240  miles  of  road  find  enough  people  to  fill 
a decent-sized  English  village.  “ Where  are  the  people  ? ” was 
the  frequent  question  on  his  lips. 

“ They  have  left  the  trade  route,  and  have  rebuilt  their 
towns  and  villages  in  the  woods,  the  valleys,  and  the  bush 
lands  for  peace  and  security,”  was  the  repeated  answer. 

“ Why  ? ” was  invariably  the  next  question. 

“ Because  the  land  was  cursed  with  a plague  of  rascally 
Zanzibaris,  and  irresponsible  white  men  who  feared  their  soldiers 
more  than  they  feared  God,  and  who  acted  unjustly  in  their 
dealings  with  the  people.” 


21 


INTRODUCTION 

Lest  some  of  my  readers  should  think  that  I am  unduly 
prejudiced  in  the  above  statements  of  what  took  place  on  the 
Stanley  Pool  road,  let  me  give  the  history  of  another  trade 
route  in  practically  the  same  part  of  the  Congo  along  which 
people  of  the  same  tribe  and  language  lived,  and  for  the  same 
period  of  time,  viz.  1878-1890. 

The  pioneers  of  our  Mission  in  1878  penetrated  the  interior 
from  Musuku,  which  is  about  fifteen  miles  below  Matadi,  and 
used  that  place  as  a base  for  nearly  five  years.  In  1883  a 
better  site  for  their  purpose  was  found  on  the  top  of  the  hill  at 
Tunduwa  (about  three  miles  below  Matadi).  Our  early  pioneers^ 
found  the  road  between  Musuku  and  San  Salvador  well  popu- 
lated with  hospitable  people,  with  plenty  of  food,  so  that  there 
was  no  need  to  take  rations  for  men,  and  very  little  provisions 
for  themselves,  and  towns  were  so  numerous  that  a tent  was 
unnecessary.  * 

When  we  removed  our  base  to  Tunduwa  the  traveller  to  San 
Salvador  dropped  down  to  Noki  in  a boat,  and  in  two  or  three 
hours  from  Noki  he  joined  the  Musuku  to  San  Salvador  route. 
It  was  generally  a five-days’  journey. 

When  I left  Musuku  in  January,  1882,  for  San  Salvador,  I 
found  just  what  my  predecessors  had  found — plenty  of  villages, 
abundance  of  supplies  (fowls,  eggs,  goats,  vegetables,  native 
bread,  etc.),  and  a hospitable  people  ever  ready  to  lend  us  a 
house  in  which  to  pass  the  night ; and  for  all  the  eight  years  I 
knew  the  road  intimately,  and  traversed  it,  the  supply  of  food, 
the  number  of  villages,  and  the  kindliness  of  the  people  re- 
mained the  same.  Yet  during  that  time  there  was  an  increase 
of  traffic  on  the  road,  for  our  transport  grew  as  our  Mission 
extended  ; and  in  the  meantime  two  trading  factories — one 
French  and  the  other  Portuguese — were  started  and  main- 
tained in  San  Salvador,  necessitating  a greater  number  of 
carriers  on  the  road. 

What  made  the  striking  difference  between  the  two  routes — 
depopulation  and  poverty  on  the  one,  continued  prosperity  on 
* Messrs.  Comber,  Bentley,  Crudgington,  Hartland,  and  GrenfelL 

22 


Photo  by]  \_Pev,  A.  Biltington 

A Me\l  “ex  route” 

The  carriers,  tired  with  a four  hours’  journey,  on  coming  to  a resting-place,  drop  their  loads  and 
stretch  themselves  for  a good  rest.  Th^  personal  lads  prepare  a meal,  and  as  there  is  a while  lady 
in  the  party  a white  table-cloth  is  spread  over  the  rough  table  in  her  honour. 


Photo  by]  C.  y.  Dojit^s 

A New  Tvpe  of  Native  House 


These  large,  airy  wattle  and  daub  houses  are  taking  the  place  of  the  old-style  grass  huts  that 
were  formerly  the  usual  structures  throughout  the  district.  They  are  more  healthy,  clean,  and 
comfortable. 


INTRODUCTION 


the  other  ? I have  already  given  the  causes  for  the  wretched- 
ness and  desolation  found  on  the  road  to  Stanley  Pool  in  1890 
and  the  succeeding  years  ; now  let  me  state,  clearly  and  briefly, 
the  reasons  for  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  San  Salvador 
road.  The  men  used  for  the  transport  service  on  the  latter 
route  were  natives  of  San  Salvador  and  district,  Kroo  boys 
and  Loangos,  they  travelled  unarmed,  they  bought  their  food, 
and  so  long  as  they  observed  the  well-known  courtesies  of  the 
road  they  moved  freely  and  were  unmolested.  The  carriers 
thus  behaving  themselves  en  route,  the  natives  treated  them 
fairly,  and  often  supplied  them  with  water — a by  no  means 
trifling  kindness  in  a country  where  there  are  no  water-taps  in 
the  houses,  and  the  refreshing  drink  has  often  to  be  carried  a 
mile  or  more. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  various  villages  knew  that  if  they 
overcharged  the  porters,  were  extortionate  in  their  demands, 
and  surly  in  their  conduct,  the  carriers  would  give  them  a wide 
berth  and,  by  making  a detour,  leave  them  severely  alone  ; 
and  thus  a regular  source  of  their  village’s  wealth  would  be  cut 
off.  Besides,  the  natives  are  fond  of  social  intercourse,  giving 
and  receiving  news,  and  these  men  who  passed  constantly  to 
and  fro  between  the  centre  of  native  life  at  San  Salvador  and 
the  outside  world  as  represented  by  the  trading  stations  on 
the  river,  were  always  full  of  interesting  news,  and  to  turn 
them  aside  from  a village  by  outrageous  conduct  was  equal  to 
cutting  themselves  off  from  the  world,  stopping  as  it  were  the 
daily  papers  and  the  weekly  budgets.  This  was  unthinkable, 
for  natives  are  sociable  folk  and  like  to  keep  in  touch  with  their 
fellows. 

When  any  serious  cases  of  dispute  arose  between  the  carriers 
and  the  natives  on  the  road,  they  were  brought  to  us  at  San 
Salvador,  and  we  settled  them  impartially,  justly,  and  amicably 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  parties  concerned. 

The  natives  who  lived  near  the  large  rivers  that  were  im- 
passable by  fording  during  the  rainy  season,  built  bridges 
across  them,  and  kept  them  in  repair.  We  white  men  at  San 

23 


INTRODUCTION 


Salvador  acknowledged  our  indebtedness  for  this  service  by 
paying  an  understood  sum  in  barter  goods — the  traders  paying 
a much  larger  amount  than  the  Missions  ^ because  their  trans- 
port was  heavier — when  we  heard  they  had  completed  the 
bridges.  It  was  no  easy  task  to  make  these  bridges  long  and 
strong  enough,  considering  the  materials  and  tools  the  workmen 
had  at  their  disposal ; but  it  meant  for  us  that  the  road  for 
our  cases,  bales,  and  mails  was  open  all  the  year  round,  and  also 
that  our  carriers  and  goods  ran  no  risks  from  swollen,  swirling 
rivers. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  the  natives  on  the  San 
Salvador  road  were  treated  very  differently  from  those  on  the 
other  trade  route  under  consideration,  consequently  the  villagers 
of  the  former  maintained  the  food  supply,  retained  their 
character  for  hospitality,  and  continued  to  live  and  thrive  on 
the  transport  line  ; while  the  people  on  the  Stanley  Pool  route 
left  the  track,  and  starvation,  depopulation,  and  desola- 
tion were  the  results.  The  Congo  natives  have  a keen 
sense  of  justice,  and  they  appreciate  straight  and  honest 
dealing. 

It  was  my  first  intention  to  add  a chapter  on  the  results  of 
the  Congo  Free  State’s  regime.  I refrain,  however,  from  doing 
so,  but  desire  to  touch  upon  the  subject  in  a few  short  para- 
graphs. The  charges  brought  against  the  Congo  J'ree  State 
during  recent  years  have,  unfortunately  for  the  natives,  been 
proved  too  true.  More  than  that,  they  were  worse  than  could 
ever  be  published  in  the  daily  Press,  for  no  self-respecting  editor 
could,  or  would,  have  printed  in  his  paper  the  outrageous  and 
abominable  details  that  were  brought  to  light  by  those  who 
were  living  in  the  midst  of  them. 

We  hope,  and  we  trust  not  in  vain,  that  by  the  accession 
of  King  Albert  and  his  gracious  consort.  Queen  Elizabeth,  to 
the  throne  of  Belgium  a better  day  is  dawning  for  the  poor, 
oppressed  and  downtrodden  natives  of  the  Congo  ; and  the 

* The  Portuguese  Roman  Catholic  Mission  settled  at  San  Salvador  a year 
or  more  after  we  had  begun  our  Mission. 

24 


INTRODUCTION 

news  that  has  come  to  us  from  the  reformed  part  of  the  Congo 
indicates  greatly  improved  conditions. 

It  is  tacitly  understood  just  now  that  we  should  give  the 
Belgian  State  an  opportunity  of  carrying  out  its  reforms  ; and 
although  the  agitation  is  not  being  prosecuted  with  its  former 
activity,  that  does  not  mean  that  we  are  to  relax  our  former 
vigilance,  nor  shall  we  do  so  until  the  natives  enjoy  those 
rights  which  are  their  proper  heritage  in  their  own  country. 

We  missionaries  are  neither  ashamed  nor  repentant,  and  never 
will  be,  of  the  humanitarian  part  we  played  in  bringing  to  light 
the  enormities  that  came  to  our  notice.  We  had  given  up  home, 
the  comforts  of  civilization  and,  rightly  or  \\’rongly,  we  had 
devoted  our  lives  to  the  amelioration  of  the  natives,  and  we 
could  not  as  men,  as  Englishmen,  as  Christian  men,  stand  by 
and  see  those  natives,  for  whom  we  had  given  up  all,  slowly 
oppressed  to  death  for  the  sake  of  a clique  of  men  in  Europe 
who  were  in  a hurry  to  get  rich. 

I was  among  the  first  to  raise  my  voice  against  the  horrible 
conditions  that  prevailed  until  recently  in  many  parts  of  the 
Congo,  and  my  mode  of  procedure  was  this  : I sent  my  letter 
of  protest,  first  to  the  “ Commissaire  ” of  my  district ; if  no 
investigation  into  the  charges  was  made,  then  I forwarded  a 
copy  of  the  letter  to  the  Governor- General  at  Boma,  and  then, 
if  after  waiting  the  necessary  length  of  time  there  was  neither 
inquiry  nor  redress,  the  letter,  with  all  particulars,  was  posted 
to  Mr.  Morel  for  publication  in  the  English  Press  as  the  last 
resort.  The  State  itself  forced  us  to  appeal  to  the  public. 

The  Commission  of  Inquiry  selected  by  King  Leopold  himself 
exonerated  us  from  all  blame  and  thanked  us  for  the  part  we  had 
taken  in  the  agitation,  for  on  investigation  we  were  able  to  prove 
to  the  very  hilt  every  charge  we  had  brought  against  the 
administration  of  the  now  defunct  Congo  Free  State.  It  is  too 
late  in  the  day  for  travellers  to  deny  that  atrocities  were  com- 
mitted because  natives  do  not  talk  to  them  about  such  things. 
Let  such  travellers  thoroughly  learn  the  language  of  the  people 
and  gain  their  confidence  and  then  listen  to  their  story. 

25 


INTRODUCTION 

The  native  does  not  wear  his  heart  on  his  sleeve  for  every 
crow  to  peck  at,  and  when  he  sees  a white  man,  here  to-day  and 
gone  to-morrow,  who  knows  little  or  nothing  of  his  language, 
hob-nobbing  with  State  officials,  he  is  not  going  to  pour  out 
his  heart  to  such  and  tell  what  he  has  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
the  traveller’s  white  friends. 

What  the  Congo  needs  is  a Government  not  seeking  to 
enrich  itself  to-day,  but  with  visions  of  a colony  the  inhabitants 
of  which,  in  days  to  come,  shall  rise  up  and  call  it  blessed  ; it 
needs  civil  officers  swayed  by  honourable  principles,  and  con- 
trolled by  pure,  conscientious  motives  that  shall  administer 
impartially  righteous  laws ; it  needs  traders  who  shall  deal 
fairly  by  the  people  (and  some  of  them  do  that,  we  are  glad  to 
say),  who  will  exchange  the  wares,  the  civilized  conveniences 
(not  fiery  spirits)  of  Europe  for  the  labour  and  produce  of  the 
natives  as  a further  incentive  for  them  to  work,  travel,  and 
trade  ; it  needs  the  agriculturist  to  introduce  better  methods 
of  cultivating  the  soil  and  fostering  the  resources  of  the 
country ; it  needs  the  mechanic  to  teach  various  trades  and 
industries  ; the  educationalist  and  the  Christian  teacher  to 
cultivate  the  mental  and  spiritual  side  of  the  natives — these  all 
working  harmoniously  together,  no  one  class  sneering  at  the 
other,  no  one  arrogating  to  himself  the  work  of  another,  but 
respecting  each  other  and  co-operating  for  the  uplifting, 
civilizing,  and  Christianizing  of  the  Congo  people.  We  shall 
then  see  a people  not  cursing  the  white  man,  but  blessing 
him ; not  cringing  before  the  white  master  in  grovelling  fear 
and  hearts  bursting  with  hatred,  but  standing  erect  as  God 
intends  men  to  stand  ; and  not  downtrodden  and  oppressed, 
their  lives  a misery  to  them,  but  free  and  happy  with  the  joy 
of  life  pulsating  through  their  veins. 


26 


CHAPTER  I 


IN  SEARCH  OF  A NEW  SITE 

Steamer  Peace — Bangala  tribe — Panic  in  Bungundu  towms — People  become 
friendly — Driven  away  from  Bokomela — Fierce  and  revengeful  natives — 
Revisit  Bokomela — A cordial  welcome — Reason  for  warlike  attitude — 
Shooting  a native  for  a wager — Monsembe  district — Bumba  people  stand 
to  defend  their  women  and  children — Quietness  dispels  their  fears. 

During  the  early  days  of  July,  1890,  we  were  busy  at 
Bolobo  station,  preparing  for  our  long  journey  up- 
river in  search  of  a new  site  for  a mission  station. 
The  steamer  Peace,  a vessel  70  feet  long  by  10  feet  6 inches 
wide,  and  of  very  shallow  draught,  was  placed  at  our  disposal. 
The  Rev.  W.  H.  Stapleton,  who  had  just  arrived  from  England, 
was  appointed  to  be  my  colleague  ; and  as  Mr.  Silas  Field  had 
charge  of  the  steamer  and  crew  we  were  without  responsibility 
respecting  them,  and  were  free  to  land  at  every  available  place 
and  investigate  its  suitability  as  a centre  for  our  work. 

At  this  time  the  Baptist  Missionary  Society  had  three 
stations  on  the  Upper  Congo — one  at  Bolobo,  about  200  miles 
above  Stanley  Pool,  another  at  Lukolele,  a little  over 
100  miles  farther  on,  and  the  third  at  Bopoto,  more  than 
400  miles  beyond  Lukolele,  or  700  miles  from  Stanley  Pool. 
It  was  thought  desirable  to  plant  a station  among  the  Bangalas 
at  a point  somewhere  midway  between  Lukolele  and  Bopoto, 
and  thus  occupy  a part  of  that  great  unevangelized  district 
inhabited  by  one  of  the  finest  tribes  on  the  Congo. 

The  Bangalas  were  reported  to  be  a strong,  warlike,  cannibal 
tribe  of  fierce  habits,  cruel  customs,  and  independent  spirit. 

27 


BANGALA  TRIBE 


They  would  demand  patience,  tact,  and  the  facing  of  many 
dangers  from  those  who,  without  arms  and  soldiers,  went  to 
live  among  them.  Still,  such  splendid  men  were  worth  winning 
to  better  ways,  notwithstanding  the  many  possible  risks  to  be 
encountered  in  the  work.  As  savages  they  were  feared  by  sur- 
rounding tribes,  and  if  won  to  Christianity  their  indomitable 
courage  warranted  us  in  hoping  they  would  become  the  in- 
trepid heralds  of  their  new  faith. 

By  July  11th  we  had  packed  on  board  our  little  steamer  the 
nails,  provisions,  tools,  barter  goods,  and  medicines  that  could 
be  collected  for  our  new  project.  A better  outfit  would  have 
been  welcome  ; but  we  thought  it  was  wiser  to  start  with  what 
we  could  get  together  than  to  wait  an  indefinite  period  for 
larger  supplies. 

Two  days  after  leaving  Bolobo  we  arrived  at  Lukolele,  and 
in  due  time  Lulanga  was  reached.  Lulanga  was  a large  town 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Lulongo  River,  a fine  tributary  of  the  Congo. 
There  our  search  began.  It  took  us  fifty  minutes  to  walk 
through  the  town,  the  houses  of  which  were  built  closely  to- 
gether. We  estimated  the  population  at  3000  people.  There 
was  then  less  than  a mile  of  bush,  and  another  town  of  over 
1000  inhabitants,  and  about  an  hour’s  walk  back  from  the 
river  were  other  clumps  of  villages  containing,  we  were  informed, 
more  than  2000  persons.  It  was  a good  centre  for  our  purpose  ; 
but  the  Congo  Bololo  Mission  had  established  some  stations  up 
the  Lulongo  River,  and  after  consulting  with  their  senior 
missionary  at  Bonginda  (30  miles  up  the  Lulongo),  we  decided 
that  the  town  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  they  were  working 
should  really  be  their  base  of  operations,  and  as  they  promised 
to  occupy  it,  if  we  did  not  build  there,  we  left  it  to  them. 

At  Lulanga  we  left  the  south  bank  of  the  Congo,  and  after 
two  hours’  steaming  and  winding  among  the  numerous  islands 
we  had  the  large  district  of  Bungundu  stretching  before  us  on 
the  north  shore  of  the  river.  Picking  out  the  biggest  town  we 
could  see  from  the  deck  of  our  steamer,  we  steered  our  way 
towards  it,  and  as  we  drew  near  we  could  see  the  women 

28 


PEOPLE  BECOME  FRIENDLY 


seizing  hold  of  their  children  and  their  fowls,  and  scurrying 
away  with  them  into  the  bush  as  fast  as  possible  ; the  men  also 
were  tugging  at  their  goats  and  sheep  to  hide  them  in  the  bush 
and  woods  that  surrounded  their  town,  for  it  was  their  un- 
fortunate experience  that  the  white  men  who  came  on  steamers 
took  fowls,  goats,  and  sheep  without  paying  for  them. 

When  we  landed  we  could  not  see  a single  person.  We 
walked  up  and  down  the  roads  calling  upon  the  people  to  come 
out  of  hiding,  to  come  and  talk  with  us,  or  sell  us  some  fowls. 
After  a considerable  amount  of  shouting  an  old  man  put  his 
head  round  a corner  of  a house  and  said  : “ W^hite  men,  if  you 
want  to  buy  any  fowls  of  us,  sit  down  where  you  are,  and  send 
your  boys  ; we  will  sell  to  them,  but  not  to  you.” 

We  thereupon  handed  some  looking-glasses,  knives,  bells, 
beads,  and  cloth  to  our  boys,  and  told  them  that  after  they  had 
bartered  for  some  fowls  they  were  to  try  to  persuade  the 
people  to  have  some  conversation  with  us.  After  buying  a few 
fowls  our  lads  said  : “ Come  and  talk  with  our  white  men. 
See,  they  are  perfectly  harmless,  for  they  are  sitting  down 
where  you  told  them.  They  are  not  bula  matadi  ( =State  officers). 
They  neither  desire  to  fight  you  nor  tie  you  up.  They  are 
mindele  mia  Njambi  ( = the  white  men  of  God,  i.e.  missionaries). 
Come  and  palaver  with  them.” 

After  much  hesitation  on  the  part  of  the  native,  and  much 
persuasion  by  our  lads,  the  old  man  drew  near  to  us,  and  as 
he  came  closer  he  put  out  his  hand  to  greet  us  ; but  on  seeing 
our  white  hands  approaching  his,  fear  took  possession  of  him, 
and  he  drew  his  hand  quickly  back.  At  last,  however,  we 
heartily  shook  his  hand  and  his  courage  returned.  He  then 
went  over  to  a large  drum,  and  beating  upon  it  the  women 
quickly  returned  from  the  bush  with  their  children  and  their 
fowls,  the  men  came  back  with  their  goats  and  sheep,  and  the 
town  resumed  its  usual  lively  appearance. 

Directly  they  learned  the  purpose  of  our  visit  they  begged 
us  to  live  in  their  town  ; they  took  us  up  and  down  the  various 
streets,  and  pointed  out  all  the  advantages  we  should  enjoy 

29 


PEOPLE  BECOME  FRIENDLY 

if  we  would  only  build  amongst  them.  We  had  to  allay  their 
importunity  by  telling  them  that  we  could  not  decide  at 
once  to  live  in  their  midst,  as  we  wished  to  go  higher  up  the 
river  and  visit  other  towns  and  tribes ; but  if  we  found  their 
town  the  most  central  for  our  work,  we  would  return  to  them. 
And  we  coneluded  by  saying  : “ We  do  not  desire,  wherever  we 
go  in  this  distriet,  that  the  people  should  run  away  from  us  as 
you  did ; cannot  you  therefore  lend  us  one  or  two  of  your 
young  men  to  go  with  us  to  reassure  the  people  ? We  promise 
to  return  them  safely  in  due  time.” 

It  was  astonishing  to  us  that  these  nervous,  fearful  folk 
who  had  run  helter-skelter  from  us  about  two  hours  before 
should  bring  two  of  their  young  men  to  us,  and  in  their  trustful 
simplicity  place  their  hands  in  ours,  saying  : “ Here  are  two 
of  our  people  to  aeeompany  you,  and  when  you  have  done 
with  them  bring  them  baek  again.” 

After  that,  whenever  we  arrived  opposite  a town,  these  two 
men  would  go  into  the  bows  of  the  steamer  and,  shouting 
loudly  to  the  people  ashore,  would  tell  them  not  to  be 
afraid,  not  to  run  away,  that  we  were  good  sort  of  white  men, 
that  we  were  buying  fowls  at  a very  good  priee,  and  if  they 
only  stayed  they  eould  make  some  profit  out  of  us.  For  we 
were  giving  the  enormous  sum  of  about  threepence  each  in 
barter  goods  for  the  fowls,  instead  of  the  usual  price  of  two- 
penee. 

Throughout  the  rest  of  that  district  we  reeeived  a hearty 
weleome  from  the  people,  and  many  pressing  invitations  to 
settle  in  their  midst.  We  had  no  illusions  about  these  invita- 
tions. We  fully  reeognized  that  the  people  desired  us  to  live 
in  their  towns  for  reasons  quite  different  from  those  that 
aetuated  us  : our  presenee  would  give  prestige  to  their  district, 
and  especially  to  the  town  in  which  we  built ; we  should  be, 
more  or  less,  a guarantee  of  security,  and  freedom  from  the 
lootings  and  raids  of  State  soldiers  who  were  already  beginning 
to  trouble  the  people  on  the  Upper  Congo  ; and  it  would  be  an 
immense  advantage  to  them  to  be  able  to  exchange  their  food- 

30 


DRIVEN  AWAY  FROM  BOKOMELA 


stuffs,  etc.,  for  barter  goods  at  a store  in  their  neighbourhood, 
rather  than  have  such  weary  journeys  to  take  in  their  canoes,  or 
go  without  the  needed  articles.  We  understood  perfectly  well 
that  we  were  not  so  boisterously  invited  because  of  our  message, 
for  of  that  they  knew  absolutely  nothing,  and  in  their  then 
savage  and  ignorant  state  cared  perhaps  less  than  nothing 
for  it. 

Leaving  the  Bungundu  district  we  steamed  for  many  miles 
along  a monotonous  stretch  of  forest,  and  then  reached  the 
thickly  populated  line  of  Bokomela  towns.  Selecting  the 
largest  we  could  see,  we  turned  our  steamer  towards  it ; and, 
putting  our  pretty  little  vessel  along  the  beach  in  front  of  the 
chosen  town,  we  prepared  to  go  ashore.  Through  our  glasses 
we  had  seen  the  women  and  children  running  hurriedly  away, 
and  the  bustling  activity  of  the  men  who  lined  the  bank  and 
stood  on  the  trees  overhanging  the  river.  Just  as  we  were 
about  to  step  ashore  we  noticed  that  the  men  lining  the  bank 
above  us  had  raised  their  spears  in  a very  threatening  attitude, 
and  the  old  men  on  the  trees  had  fitted  their  arrows  to  their 
bows  ready  to  shoot  at  us.  We  recognized  that  we  were  in  a 
tight  corner  ; we  wondered  where  the  spears  and  arrows  would 
strike  us.  A false  movement  would  have  been  misunderstood, 
and  a shower  of  sharp  weapons  would  have  been  the  result. 
Our  pulses  raced  tumultuously,  our  hearts  seemed  to  thump 
our  ribs ; but  outwardly  we  were  calm  and  self-possessed. 
We  did  not  know  until  months  later  how  near  we  were  to  a 
horrible  catastrophe — to  being,  in  fact,  the  principal  dishes  at 
a cannibal  feast. 

In  the  best  “ trade  language  ” we  could  muster  we  told  the 
excited  savages  who  and  what  we  were.  “ Go  away,”  they 
screamed,  “ or  we  will  kill  you.  We  want  nothing  to  do  with 
you  white  men.” 

We  tried  to  explain  the  purpose  of  our  visit,  and  asked  them 
to  let  the  Bungundu  men  land  and  talk  with  them.  And  all 
the  time  we  were  standing  unarmed  within  twenty  feet  of 
their  upraised  spears.  There  was  a deadly  silence  on  the  little 

31 


A CORDIAL  WELCOME 


steamer,  and  the  crew  had  taken  refuge  behind  any  and  every 
thing  that  offered  protection  from  those  murderous  lances  and 
arrows. 

“ Go  away,”  they  shouted  more  fiercely  ; “ we  will  kill  the 
men  if  they  come  ashore,  and  all  of  you  afterwards.  We’ll 
have  nothing  to  do  with  white  men.”  And  in  frantic  unison 
the  excited  mob  took  up  the  cry  of  their  head-men. 

There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  push  off  our  steamer  and 
leave  the  place.  It  was  not  until  we  were  beyond  the  reach  of 
their  arrows  that  we  breathed  freely,  and  then  fully  realizing 
the  whole  meaning  of  the  incident,  and  its  possibilities  of  death 
to  us  and  disaster  to  our  plans,  we  bowed  our  heads  in  prayerful 
thanks  to  God  for  His  protecting  care. 

Some  months  after  our  establishment  at  Monsembe,  I went 
down  to  those  districts  in  a canoe  paddled  by  a few  lads  ; 
and  those  same  Bokomela  people,  hearing,  from  the  song  of 
the  lads,  that  one  of  the  Monsembe  white  men  was  approaching, 
hurried  out  in  their  canoes  with  fowls  in  their  hands  as  tokens 
of  their  good-will,  and  begged  me  to  go  ashore.  What  was  the 
reason  for  this  strange  and  pleasant  change  respecting  us  ? 
It  was  this  : In  the  meantime  they  had  heard  of  our  peaceable 
lives  and  intentions  ; of  our  straightforward  and  honest  dealings 
with  the  natives  about  us  ; that  we  neither  stole  things  our- 
selves, nor  allowed  our  people  to  steal ; but  always  bought 
what  we  wanted  at  a proper  market  value.  These  facts  coming 
to  their  knowledge  had  entirely  altered  their  attitude  towards 
us,  and  had  turned  former  enemies  into  would-be  friends. 

On  going  ashore  they  gave  me  a most  cordial  welcome,  and 
when  quietness  had  been  restored,  I said  : “ Some  months 
ago  we  came  to  you  on  our  little  steamer,  and  you  drove  us 
away  with  murderous  threats  of  spearing  us.  Why  was  that  ? 
We  were  quiet,  peaceable  men  ; why  were  you  in  such  a rage  ? ” 

An  oldish  man,  sitting  quietly  on  a stool  near  by,  arose  and 
said : “ White  man,  just  before  you  came  to  us  on  your  steamer, 
the  white  men  on  a passing  steamer  shot  our  chief  and  some 
of  our  people  for  no  reason  at  all.  Shot  them  down  while 

32 


SHOOTING  A NATIVE  FOR  A WAGER 


standing  quietly  on  the  bank,  and  for  that  reason  we  swore  to 
kill  the  next  white  men  that  came  our  way,  and  you  were  the 
next  to  come.” 

Undoubtedly  they  would  have  had  their  revenge  upon  us 
but  that  God  placed  His  hand  over  theirs,  so  that  neither 
spear  nor  arrow  was  hurled  at  us.  More  than  once  or  twice 
have  we  seen  the  spears  poised  ready  for  the  throw  ; and  every 
time  we  have  found  that  some  cowardly,  dastardly  white  men 
had  been  before  us  and,  having  shot  down  the  natives  for  no 
reason  whatever,  had  gone  off  and  left  the  next  unsuspecting 
white  men  who  went  that  way  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  natives’ 
mad,  but  excusable,  desire  for  revenge.  Legacies  of  hatred  have 
been  unfortunately  left  by  too  many  white  men  among  savage 
peoples,  who  regard  all  white  folk  as  belonging  to  one  tribe, 
and  as  one  or  more  of  their  kinsmen  have  been  murdered  by 
white  men,  then  to  retaliate  by  killing  other  white  men  will, 
they  think,  balance  the  account. 

As  illustrative  of  the  preceding  remarks  the  following  un- 
varnished story  is  unfortunately  too  d propos  : A State  steamer 
in  1890  was  proceeding  up  a tributary  of  the  Congo,  and  on 
its  upper  deck  two  white  officers  were  sitting  holding  a discus- 
sion on  marksmanship,  when  they  saw,  at  some  distance  in 
front  of  them,  a native  standing  in  his  canoe  paddling  it  from 
one  side  to  the  other  of  the  river.  The  two  officers  instantly 
made  a bet  as  to  which  of  them  could  knock  the  man  over. 
Guns  were  raised  and  fired,  and  Captain  X.  brought  down  the 
poor  unsuspecting  wretch  and  pocketed  the  stakes  ; ^ but  he 
left  a heritage  of  hate  that  has  lasted  to  this  day,  if  there  are 
still  alive  in  that  district  any  relatives  of  the  murdered  man, 
or  witnesses  of  the  foul  murder. 

It  seemed  to  some  of  us  a righteous  retribution  when  a couple 
of  years  later  Captain  X.  himself  was  shot  by  his  native  attendant, 

* In  1890  this  incident  was  common  talk  in  that  district.  Besides  the 
two  men  who  laid  the  wager,  there  were  two  other  white  men  on  board — 
captain  of  the  steamer  and  the  engineer.  This  incident  was  more  frequently 
related  as  a joke  than  otherwise. 

C 33 


1 


MONSEMBE  DISTRICT 


whether  aceidentally  or  purposely  nobody  knew.  Let  me  say, 
onee  for  all,  that  among  the  State  offieers  there  were  gentlemen 
of  fine,  sterling  character  who  acted  fairly  and  honourably  in 
all  their  dealings  with  the  natives  ; men  whose  ideals  were 
high,  whose  motives  were  good,  and  who  desired  nothing  better 
than  the  amelioration  of  the  tribes  with  which  they  came  into 
contact.  If  such  men  had  been  in  the  majority,  and  had  had 
a free  hand,  the  pitiful,  horrible  story  of  Congo  atrocities  would 
never  have  been  written. 

About  twenty-five  miles  above  Bokomela  we  came  upon  the 
Monsembe  district.  There  were  three  bays  crow'ded  with 
large  towns,  and  only  two  miles  beyond  Monsembe  was  a long 
creek  teeming  wdth  people.  We  reckoned  also  that  Bungundu 
and  Bokomela  districts  would  come  within  the  sphere  of  our 
influence  ; but  before  fixing  on  Monsembe  as  our  centre  we 
went  still  higher  up  river  to  weigh  the  possibilities  of  other 
places.  Town  after  town  we  passed  of  prosperous,  healthy, 
fierce,  and  barbarous  savages.  Very  often  we  were  amongst 
them  and  shaking  hands  with  them  before  they  had  decided 
whether  to  welcome  or  fight  us  ; then  seeing  two  friendly,  un- 
armed white  men  in  their  midst  they  greeted  us  heartily  and 
were  soon  bartering  fowls,  plantain,  and  various  food-stuffs 
for  empty  bottles,  old  meat  tins,  and  Manchester  goods. 

Diboko  (or  Nouvelles  Anvers)  was  visited  ; and  with  our 
colleagues  at  Bopoto  we  spent  a pleasant  time.  At  Bumba  we 
came  upon  a continuous  stretch  of  villages  for  nearly  two  miles 
in  length.  As  we  steamed  close  to  the  bank  we  observed  that 
the  villages  were  divided  by  gullies  which  were  bridged  by  old 
canoe  planks.  The  folk  were  quiet,  and  as  the  place  looked 
well  populated  with  apparently  prosperous  people,  we  decided 
to  land. 

Arriving  at  the  extreme  upper  end  of  the  series  of  Bumba 
villages,  we  tied  our  steamer  to  a tree  on  the  bank  and  went 
ashore.  A few  miserable,  half-starved  dogs  barked  at  us ; 
but  there  was  no  one  to  greet  us,  or  object  to  our  landing. 
We  moved  slowly  forward,  and  then  we  noticed  that  the  virile, 

34 


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BUMBA  PEOPLE 


young  men,  armed  with  spears  and  shields,  were  keeping  about 
fifty  yards  ahead  of  us ; that  the  old  men  and  the  siek  were 
crouehing  over  their  fires  warming  their  hands  and  keeping  up 
a constant  chatter ; and  that  there  was  an  absence  of  women 
and  children  in  the  villages.  Now  when  there  is  an  absence  of 
women  and  children  in  an  African  town  or  village,  you  may  be 
fairly  certain  that  the  men  are  up  to  mischief,  or  think  a fight 
is  to  the  fore.  We  walked  warily  to  keep  ourselves  out  of  any 
possible  ambush ; and  as  w'e  came  to  the  gullies  dividing  the 
villages  we  found  the  planks  had  been  removed,  this  necessitated 
our  going  down  and  up  the  sides  of  the  gullies.  Arriving  at 
the  last  ditch  we  started  to  cross  it  as  we  had  done  the  others, 
when  we  observed  a rustle  in  the  tall  grass  on  the  further  side, 
and  looking  closely  we  saw  that  the  bush  was  alive  with  armed 
men  with  spears  gripped  threateningly.  Just  beyond  them 
in  the  forest  were  their  women  and  children,  and  they  were 
standing  between  them  and  possible  death  or  capture  as 
represented,  so  they  thought,  by  the  two  white  men  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  gully. 

To  have  run  away  would  have  meant  a shower  of  spears 
hurtling  through  the  air  after  us  from  the  excited  people,  so 
we  sat  down  and  parleyed  with  them.  “ Did  you  ever  know,” 
we  asked,  “ white  men  coming  to  fight  without  soldiers  ? ” 

“ No,”  was  their  ready  though  surly  reply. 

“ Well,  we  have  no  soldiers  with  us,”  was  our  quick  re- 
joinder. That  was  self-evident,  for  there  were  only  a few  of 
our  personal  lads  about  us. 

With  a little  more  hope  in  our  heart  of  escaping  from  another 
difficult  fix,  we  began  again.  “ Did  you  ever  know  white  men 
to  come  and  fight  without  guns  and  swords  ? ” was  our  next 
question. 

“ No,”  again  was  their  reply.  This  time  a little  more 
friendliness  in  their  tone,  for  their  fears  of  a fight  were,  like 
ours,  passing  away. 

“ Well,”  we  argued,  “ we  are  two  white  men  without  guns 
or  soldiers,  but  wnth  simply  walking-sticks  in  our  hands  ; and 

35 


QUIETNESS  DISPELS  THEIR  FEARS 

are  all  your  men  armed  with  spears  afraid  of  two  white  men 
with  walking-sticks  ? Come  and  put  up  the  bridge  and  help 
us  across.” 

After  a short  consultation  among  themselves,  some  young 
men  replaced  the  plank  and  helped  us  over  ; and  the  discreet 
distribution  of  a few  beads,  spoons,  and  penny  looking-glasses 
won  for  us  their  eternal  good-will. 

Our  return  to  the  steamer  was  like  a triumphal  progress. 
The  men  shouted  and  danced  in  very  revulsion  of  feeling  to 
find  it  was  a friendly  visit  and  not  a fight.  Plank  bridges  were 
quickly  rearranged,  and  outstretched,  willing  hands  steadied 
us  as  we  crossed  them.  The  old  and  sick  who  had  remained 
around  the  fires  good-humouredly  chaffed  those  who  had  armed 
themselves  for  a battle  that  never  came  off.  All’s  well  that 
ends  well,  and  the  people  were  as  glad  as  we  were  that  no 
blood  had  been  shed  and  no  wrong  committed.  They  begged 
us  very  earnestly  to  come  and  live  among  them. 

We  went  as  far  as  Ngingiri  on  the  River  Luika,  and  then 
turned  the  nose  of  our  steamer  down-stream,  Monsembe  was 
the  best  centre  for  our  work  that  we  had  seen  in  all  the  long 
stretch  of  river  we  had  traversed  above  Lulanga.  There  we 
should  have  ample  room  for  expansion,  itineration,  and  out- 
posts along  the  north  bank  from  Bungundu  to  Likunungu — 
a distance  of  200  miles ; we  should  also  have  the  south 
bank  in  our  parish  from  Bolombo  to  Bokatalaka  Creek — a 
stretch  of  80  miles ; and  the  creek  just  above  our  proposed 
station  site  was  said  to  communicate  with  the  Mobangi  River. 
We  estimated  the  population  near  to  Monsembe,  among  whom 
we  should  be  able  to  itinerate  on  Sundays,  at  7000,  and 
throughout  the  district,  lining  the  river,  at  50,000  at  the 
very  least.  Then  there  were  the  hinterland  towns,  whose 
populations  were  as  yet  unknown.  It  was  a splendid  sphere 
of  immense  possibilities.  It  was  therefore  with  high  hopes  and 
undaunted  hearts  that  my  colleague  and  I entered  upon  our 
labours  among  the  cannibals  of  Monsembe. 

We  returned  the  men  we  had  borrowed  from  Bungundu. 

36 


QUIETNESS  DISPELS  THEIR  FEARS 

What  a welcome  they  had  on  their  arrival  home  ! We  had 
been  absent  so  long  that  the  folk  had  almost  given  up  all  hope 
of  ever  setting  eyes  again  on  their  townsmen.  They  received 
a suitable  reward,  strutted  about  the  town  in  their  fine,  brightly- 
coloured  new  cloths,  and  I suppose  ever  afterwards  posed  as 
widely  travelled  men  whose  words  in  future  were  to  be  taken 
on  all  matters  relating  to  riverine  geography,  tribal  marks, 
and  other  subjects.  Leaving  Bungundu  we  crossed  to  Lulanga 
and,  picking  up  the  goods  we  had  left  there  in  charge  of  a Dutch 
trader  who  treated  us  with  much  kindness  and  hospitality, 
we  returned  to  our  future  home  at  Monsembe,  which  for  the 
next  fifteen  years  was  to  be  the  centre  of  our  world  and  the 
scene  of  many  joys  and  sorrows. 


37 


CHAPTER  II 


SETTLING  AT  MONSEMBE 


Moral  way  of  procuring  land — Ground  measured — Price  asked — Amount 
accepted — Signing  the  agreement — Buying  a house — An  exorbitant 
price — A house  for  five  shillings  and  a penny — Well-populated  hut — 
Making  ourselves  comfortable — Cooking  difficulties  overcome — Present 
of  two  goats — Inveterate  thieves — Afraid  of  our  “books.” 

HE  authorities  of  the  Congo  Free  State  had  informed  us 


that  we  could  take  possession  of  any  plot  of  land  in  the 


district  that  we  cared  to  select.  We  did  not,  however, 
believe  in  accepting  from  a State  that  which  they  had  no 
moral  right  to  give,  but  in  buying  from  the  people  the  ground 
they  only  had  a right  to  sell  us  for  our  station.  A few  hours 
after  our  return  to  Monsembe  we  measured  out  a piece  of  land 
one  hundred  paces  along  the  river  front  by  three  hundred  paces 
deep,  and  said  that  in  the  morning  we  would  buy  it  of  them. 

Next  morning  at  six  o’clock  we  found  a large  crowd  gathered 
to  witness  the  novel  transaction  of  buying  and  selling  land. 
They  formed  a motley  assemblage.  Most  of  the  men  had 
two  or  more  spears  gripped  tightly  in  their  hands,  and  broad- 
bladed,  ugly  knives  of  various  shapes  were  strapped  in  sheaths 
around  their  chests  with  the  handles  level  with  the  breast-bone. 
Some  wore  gaudy  cloths,  while  others  had  bark-cloth  or  rags 
that  scarcely  covered  their  nakedness.  The  women  were 
dressed  in  petticoats  made  from  palm  fibres,  and  these  fringes 
were  so  numerous  and  short  that  the  wearers  had  every  appear- 
ance of  black  ballet  girls.  Their  faces  were  streaked  with 
different  coloured  pigments,  or  dusted  with  camwood  powder ; 


38 


MORAL  WAY  OF  PROCURING  LAND 

and  their  bodies  were  rubbed  with  palm-oil.  Beneath  the 
paint,  the  powder,  and  the  grease  one  found  agreeable  faces 
often  lit  up  with  really  pleasant  smiles. 

We  asked  them  how  much  they  wanted  for  the  piece  of 
land,  and  without  hesitation  they  replied,  “ Five  thousand 
brass  rods.” 

“ No,”  we  said,  “ we  cannot  pay  you  so  large  a sum  as 
that,  but  we  will  give  you  one  thousand  rods  now,  and  another 
five  hundred  in  six  months’  time,  if  you  behave  yourselves.” 

The  head-men  consulted  apart  for  a time,  and  then  their 
spokesman  said  : “We  will  accept  your  offer  of  one  thousand 
rods  now  and  another  five  hundred  in  six  months’  time,  if 
you  will  put  on  top  some  bottles,  some  knives,  spoons,  tin 
plates,  looking-glasses,  forks,  cowries,  beads,  cloth,  fish- 
hooks,” etc.  etc.,  in  fact  samples  of  everything  they  had 
either  ever  heard  about  or  could  recall  to  mind  at  so  short  a 
notice. 

Unfortunately  for  them  we  had  not  such  a variety  of  barter 
goods  as  they  demanded,  and  we  frankly  told  them  so ; but 
we  promised  to  add  some  of  the  articles  we  did  have  with 
us.  We  cut  and  counted  out  the  thousand  rods,^  tied  them  up 
in  bundles  of  one  hundred  each,  and  then  raked  out  two 
empty  pickle  bottles  from  our  store  and,  putting  some  fathoms 
of  cloth,  a packet  of  brass  chair  nails,  a few  iron  spoons,  some 

* Brass  rods.  A brass  rod  at  Monsembe  at  that  time  was  15  inches  long, 
and  not  quite  so  thick  as  a slate  pencil.  These  rods  were  the  currency  of 
the  district  and,  in  fact,  of  the  whole  of  the  Upper  Congo.  Everything 
had  its  price  in  brass  rods — one  egg = one  brass  rod  ; a fowl = ten  brass  rods  ; 
two  yards  of  cloth  = twenty  brass  rods  ; a male  slave  = 600  brass  rods  ; and 
a female  slave  = 2500  brass  rods.  The  brass  wire  for  these  rods  was  origi- 
nally melted  down  for  their  brass  ornaments — anklets,  necklaces,  armlets, 
leg  rings,  hafts  of  spears,  paddles,  and  handles  of  knives,  etc.  It  was  using 
the  brass  for  this  purpose  that  first  gave  it  any  real  value  to  them  ; and 
then  they  exchanged  certain  lengths  of  the  brass  wire  at  a fixed  price— 
so  many  fathoms  for  a goat,  etc. ; and  gradually  the  lengths  of  brass  wire 
became  the  medium  of  exchange,  the  imit  of  value,  the  currency  of  the 
country.  In  1890  the  brass  rods  still  retained  their  value  not  so  much  as  a 
medium  of  barter,  although  they  were  convenient  for  that  purpose,  but  as 
the  metal  from  which  they  made  their  most  popular  ornaments.  It  is  quite 

39 


SIGNING  THE  AGREEMENT 

trade  knives,  a dozen  zinc-framed  looking-glasses,  a few 
empty  meat  tins,  the  ground  became  the  property  of  our 
Society  for  about  38s.  worth  of  goods,  reckoning  them  at 
invoice  price. 

We  then  thought  it  wise  to  draw  up  a paper  stating  we 
had  bought  the  land  of  the  people,  the  price  we  had  given, 
and  the  amount  we  had  promised  in  six  months’  time.  The 
document  was  duly  written  out,  and  my  colleague  and  I signed 
it  on  behalf  of  the  B.M.S.  We  then  asked  two  of  their  head- 
men to  put  their  marks  against  their  names  on  the  paper  as 
witnesses  to  the  fact  that  we  had  purchased  the  ground,  so 
that  there  could  not  be  any  future  possible  dispute  about  our 
possession  of  the  site. 

At  first  they  demurred  greatly  to  having  anything  to  do  with 
the  white  man’s  “ book  ” ; they  were  extremely  superstitious 
about  the  matter  ; it  was  something  uncanny,  and  for  all  they 
knew  some  mysterious  evil  might  be  the  result  of  touching 
that  “ book.”  It  needed  much  persuasion,  and  it  was  only 
when  we  pointed  out  to  them  that  they  would  have  no  proof 
that  we  owed  them  five  hundred  rods  that  their  cupidity 
overcame  their  fears,  and  they  consented  to  put  their 
marks. 

Mata  Bombo  was  the  first  head-man  chosen  for  this  onerous 
duty.  He  was  the  oldest  head-man  in  the  town,  and  had  been 

possible  that  the  rods  changed  hands  in  fathom  lengths,  and  those  who  came 
into  possession  of  these  lengths,  each  cut  off  a little  piece  to  procure  a bit 
of  brass  for  nothing,  and  hence  the  length  was  gradually  shortened,  until 
in  1890  it  was  15  inches.  The  process  of  shortening  continued,  and  in  1905 
the  standard  length  was  only  11  inches.  In  Bolobo  it  was  about  9J  inches, 
and  on  the  Lower  Congo,  where  brass  wire  was  used  long  before  it  filtered 
through  to  the  tribes  on  the  Upper  Congo,  it  was  from  four  to  five  inches 
only  in  1905.  Of  course,  with  the  shortening  of  the  rod,  a larger  number 
was  given  for  the  article  to  be  purchased.  Every  white  man  imported  his 
brass  wire  in  coils,  and  cut  the  rod  to  the  length  used  in  the  district  where 
he  resided.  Brass  rods  are  now  almost  a drug  in  the  market,  for  not  only 
have  they  been  poured  into  the  country  in  a steady  stream  for  the  last  thirty 
years,  but  the  custom  of  melting  down  brass  for  the  manufacture  of  orna- 
ments has  been  slowly  dying  out  during  the  last  ten  years.  They  desire 
other  things  than  simply  ornaments  now. 

40 


BUYING  A HOUSE 


foremost  in  the  negotiations  for  the  land,  in  counting  the  goods, 
and  most  clamorous  for  his  share  of  them.  The  people  there- 
fore rightly  thought  that  he  should  be  the  first  to  undertake  the 
unpleasant  duty  of  putting  his  mark  on  the  “ book,”  so  they 
laughingly  pushed  him  forward  much  against  his  will.  When 
he  reached  the  table  he  was  trembling  all  over  from  very  fear 
of  that  “ book  ” lying  there  upon  it.  His  hand  shook  so  much 
that  I had  to  put  my  hand  upon  his  and  help  him  to  make  his 
mark.  On  finishing  it  he  put  the  pen  down  Avith  a dab,  drew 
himself  to  his  full  height,  carefully  stretched  out  his  arms,  and 
finding  that  nothing  had  happened  to  him,  he  went  away 
apparently  satisfied  that  it  was  possible  to  have  contact  with 
that  mysterious  “ book  ” of  the  white  man’s  and  not  suffer 
for  it.  The  next  witness  was  a much  younger  man,  who, 
seeing  that  nothing  had  happened  to  the  first,  came  forward 
without  any  urging,  picked  up  the  pen,  made  his  mark  and 
went  his  way  as  though  he  were  used  to  signing  contracts  every 
day  of  his  life.  Thus  the  land  became  ours  on  behalf  of  our 
Society. 

Having  settled  about  the  site,  our  next  requirement  was  a 
house  into  which  we  could  move  our  goods  from  the  steamer, 
and  in  which  we  could  live,  for  it  was  necessary  that  the  Peace 
should  return  immediately  to  Bolobo.  Looking  over  the  ground 
we  had  bought,  we  saw  a native  hut  that  would  suit  us  until 
we  could  build  a larger  and  better  one.  We  had  purchased  the 
land  and  the  trees  upon  it ; but  we  had  arranged  with  the 
people  that  all  the  houses  on  our  newly  acquired  site  should 
be  removed.  To  them  this  was  a trifling  affair : they  ran  a 
knife  along  a few  strings,  a dozen  men  got  under  the  roof,  and 
in  a few  minutes  you  would  see  it  walking  down  the  road ; a 
few  more  men  shook  the  walls,  uprooted  the  posts,  and  in  an 
hour  or  so  the  house  was  rebuilt  on  another  site. 

We  called  the  owner  of  the  house  that  we  thought  would 
temporarily  answer  our  purpose,  and  asked  him  how  much  he 
wanted  for  it.  “ Five  hundred  brass  rods,”  was  his  quick  reply. 
Natives  generally  ask  about  two  or  three  times  the  value  of 

41 


AN  EXORBITANT  PRICE 

an  article,  and  I fancy  this  custom  is  not  altogether  peculiar 
to  African  people. 

“ That  is  too  much,”  was  our  answer  to  his  extravagant 
demand.  “ We  will  give  you  two  hundred  rods  for  the  house, 
and  then  you  will  be  well  paid.” 

He  cogitated  on  our  offer  for  a few  minutes,  and  then  lifting 
his  head,  he  said  : “ If  you  put  a tin  plate  on  top  of  the  two 
hundred  rods  you  can  have  the  house.”  So  we  paid  him  tw'o 
hundred  brass  rods,  and  a penny  tin  plate  ; and  for  the  first 
time  in  our  lives  became  the  owners  of  house  property. 

Directly  we  had  paid  the  price  the  man  called  his  wives 
(he  was  the  happy  (?)  possessor  of  six)  to  remove  their  belong- 
ings, They  brought  out  their  saucepans,  hoes,  baskets,  mats, 
drinking-pots,  firewood,  and  the  rest  of  their  miscellaneous 
effects  ; the  man  carried  out  his  paddles,  spears,  knives,  shield, 
and  a few  precious  glass  bottles  that  had  contained  pickles, 
lime-juice,  and  drinks  of  stronger  brew,  and  then  told  us  the 
house  was  ready  for  us. 

We  really  could  not  expect  a mansion  for  the  amount  we 
had  paid,  viz.  5s.  Id. ; and  we  found  that  in  order  to  enter  it 
we  had  to  stoop  low,  lift  our  feet  high,  and,  being  unfortunately 
stout,  we  had  to  turn  sideways  to  effect  an  entry.  Arriving 
inside,  by  putting  up  the  hand  we  could  touch  the  ridge-pole, 
by  spreading  out  the  arms  and  swaying  slightly  we  could  touch 
both  walls,  a few  paces  took  us  from  one  end  to  the  other  of 
the  central  room,  and  if  we  had  gone  against  the  wall  and 
w'anted  to  stand  upright  we  should  have  had  to  put  our  heads 
through  the  roof,  for  the  walls  were  only  just  four  feet  high. 

The  house,  however,  had  the  advantage  of  two  small  rooms — 
one  at  either  end  of  the  larger  central  room.  In  one  of  these 
small  rooms  we  stored  our  tools,  nails,  and  various  materials 
for  building  our  station  ; into  the  other  small  room  we  put  our 
barter  goods  and  our  scanty  stock  of  provisions ; and  in  the 
central  room  we  arranged  our  two  camp  bedsteads,  a table, 
a trunk  or  two,  our  chairs,  and  when  we  went  in  ourselves  there 
was  not  very  much  room  to  spare.  That  night  when  we  went 

42 


Photo  by}  [rt  Dutch  Trader 

Group  of  Mobeka  Men 

Mobeka  is  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mungala  River,  and  the  inhabitants  ot  that  and  many  other 
villages  in  the  vicinity  belong  to  the  Boloki  tribe. 


Photo  by}  [Pev.  P.  H.  Kirkland 

Looking  up  Lake  Libinza  from  Bosisera 

Lake  Libinza  is  a large  sheet  of  water  in  the  hinterland  of  Nouvelles  Anvers.  It  is  studded  with 
numerous  islands,  and  is  drained  by  the  Ngiri  River,  which  runs  into  the  Mobangi  tributary. 


MAKING  OURSELVES  COMFORTABLE 


to  bed  we  discovered  that  although  the  women  had  removed 
their  pots,  hoes,  mats,  etc.,  they  had  left  behind  them  a large 
population  which  we  wished  they  had  also  taken  with  them. 

To  make  our  hut  more  habitable  was  our  first  object.  We 
cut  away  the  high  door-sill  of  sticks,  canes,  and  grass  ; then 
in  the  eaves  above  the  doorway  we  made  a gap  in  the  roof  by 
shortening  a few  rafters  and  removing  the  palm-frond  thatch 
— this  gave  us  an  easy  means  of  entrance  and  exit.  Then  we 
placed  two  poles  about  eight  feet  from  the  front  of  our  hut, 
and  six  feet  from  each  other  ; a small  pole  was  tied  to  the  posts 
about  six  feet  from  the  ground,  and  other  thin  poles  were  run 
from  the  cross-piece  to  the  roof,  and  on  these  we  arranged  and 
tied  a large  number  of  fronds  from  a small  species  of  palm  tree 
— this  gave  us  a fine  shady  porch  to  our  house,  which  we  used 
as  dining-room,  study,  pantry,  and  reception-room.  We 
routed  out  a good  percentage  of  the  surplus  population  from 
our  hut,  and  on  fine  days  we  were  not  so  uncomfortable  as  to 
have  any  real  ground  for  complaint. 

But  alas  on  wet  days  ! The  discomfort  of  them  has  left 
a lasting  impression  on  my  memory.  With  a tornado  the 
temperature  often  dropped  from  90°  down  to  65°  in  less 
than  two  hours ; the  strong,  stormy  winds  whistled  through 
the  grass  walls  of  our  hut ; and  the  rain  that  fell  in 
torrents  percolated  through  our  roof,  and  in  some  places, 
along  the  ridge  especially,  it  ran  in  gentle  cascades,  anything 
but  pleasant  to  the  owners  of  such  house  property  to  behold. 
To  have  made  a fire  in  the  house  to  warm  ourselves,  as  the 
natives  did,  would  have  meant  being  more  than  half  choked  and 
blinded  by  the  smoke  that  would  have  filled  the  chimneyless 
house.  We  eventually  found  that  the  best  way  to  weather  the 
storms  comfortably  was  to  lie  on  our  camp  beds,  pull  a water- 
proof sheet  over  us,  light  a candle,  and  putting  it  on  a dry 
spot  read  until  the  tornado  had  spent  itself. 

There  was  another  difficulty  that  we  had  to  meet,  viz. 
cooking.  It  was  easy  enough  to  boil  and  fry  our  food  ; but 
boiled  meat  and  fowls  after  a few  weeks  somewhat  pall ; and 

43 


COOKING  DIFFICULTIES  OVERCOME 


we  had  not  sufficient  fat  or  lard  to  fry  much.  There  was  palm- 
oil  in  abundance  to  be  bought  for  a few  brass  rods,  but  we  had 
too  frequently  watched  the  natives  make  it  to  relish  food  fried 
in  it.  We  therefore  bought  two  native  saucepans  for  a penny 
each ; these  were  about  10  inches  in  diameter,  6 inches  deep, 
and  semicircular  in  shape.  One  we  stood  on  three  stones, 
placed  an  empty  sardine  tin  in  the  bottom,  and,  laying  a fowl 
on  a tin  dish,  arranged  it  on  the  sardine  tin,  and  then  turned  the 
second  saucepan  upside  down  on  the  first,  fitting  their  edges 
together.  Our  fowls  baked  beautifully  in  this  improvised  oven  ; 
but  the  saucepan  had  a tendency  to  crack. 

Later  on  we  procured  an  empty  paraffin-oil  drum,  cut  out 
the  top  with  a hammer  and  chisel,  laid  the  drum  down,  and 
put  in  a layer  of  clay  along  the  bottom  side.  This  clay  not 
only  gave  us  a level  surface  on  which  to  stand  our  dishes,  but 
also  kept  the  food  from  burning,  and  retained  the  heat.  We 
then  nailed  some  tin,  procured  by  flattening  out  a few  empty 
meat  tins,  over  some  pieces  of  wood,  and  there  we  had  an 
admirable  door  for  our  new  oven.  It  cooked  fowls,  puddings, 
and  bread^  splendidly.  No  patent  has  yet  been  sought  for  these 
inventions,  so  all  those  placed  in  a similar  predicament  are  free 
to  use  them. 

Fowls  were  plentiful,  such  as  they  were  ; but  fresh  meat 
(beef,  mutton,  or  goat)  was  a rarity.  Consequently  we  were 
not  at  all  sorry  when  two  head-men  brought  us,  one  day,  a goat 
each  as  a present.  Up  to  that  time  we  had  not  received  a single 
present  from  them,  not  because  the  natives  had  not  brought 
any  to  us — they  would  have  loaded  us  with  their  so-called 
gifts — but  we  had  persistently  refused  them  on  principle,  know- 
ing as  we  did  that  the  offerings  were  simply  presented  that  the 
givers  might  receive  two  or  three  times  their  value  in  return 
presents,  and  we  had  no  desire  to  foster  such  a spirit  of  selfish- 
ness, and  no  money  to  waste  on  foolish  amenities.  We  had 
refused  so  many  “ gifts  ” that  when  these  two  head-men  brought 
their  goats  and  offered  one  to  Mr.  Stapleton  and  the  other  to 
’ See  Appendix,  Note  1,  p.  335. 

44 


PRESENT  OF  TWO  GOATS 


myself,  we  decided  to  accept  them.  We  had,  however,  no  en- 
closure in  which  to  keep  goats,  so  putting  a private  mark  on 
them  we  sent  them  to  herd  with  the  other  goats  of  the  town. 

We  arranged  that  as  the  goats  were  of  the  same  size,  we 
would  give  exactly  the  same  return  presents.  We  reckoned  the 
goats  at  fifty  brass  rods  each — the  market  value  of  them  ; but 
we  decided  to  give  in  barter  goods  the  equivalents  of  one  hun- 
dred rods  each,  which  we  thought  was  sufficiently  generous  for 
the  occasion. 

Mr.  Stapleton  called  Dintela,  the  head-man  who  had  pre- 
sented him  with  his  goat,  and  spreading  out  the  goods  he 
made  the  usual  speech  of  good-will,  etc.,  that  the  event  de- 
manded. 

Dintela  gave  him  to  understand  that  the  present  was  too 
small,  that  white  men  who  were  so  rich  should  give  a much 
larger  quantity  of  goods,  and  that  he  could  not  accept  such  a 
paltry  present.  As  Mr.  Stapleton  would  not  increase  the 
offering,  Dintela  demanded  the  return  of  the  goat,  and  tying 
a string  round  its  neck  he  led  it  away,  much  disgusted  that  he 
had  not  made  so  good  a bargain  out  of  his  present  to  the  white 
man  as  he  had  anticipated. 

A few  days  later  as  Bololi,  the  head-man  who  had  given  me 
the  other  goat,  was  passing  across  the  station  I called  him  into 
the  house,  and  spreading  out  the  goods  identically  the  same 
as  my  colleague  had  offered  to  his  head-man,  I asked  him  to 
accept  them  as  a token  of  our  friendliness,  etc.,  in  return  for 
his  goat.  He  made  some  gestures  expressive  of  his  depreciation 
of  the  gift,  and  after  a haggling  attempt  to  procure  an  increase 
of  goods,  he,  to  my  surprise  in  view  of  the  action  of  Dintela, 
collected  the  articles,  put  them  in  his  shoulder  pouch,  and  went 
off  apparently  satisfied.  The  next  day  when  we  wanted  to  kill 
the  goat  it  had  disappeared,  and  we  never  again  set  eyes  upon 
it.  Dintela  refused  the  goods  and  took  his  goat  away ; but 
evidently  they  had  talked  over  the  matter  with  the  other  men 
in  the  town,  and  the  result  was  that  Bololi  accepted  the  articles 
and  afterwards  stole  the  goat,  which  in  the  eyes  of  the  natives 

45 


INVETERATE  THIEVES 


was  much  the  smarter  action  of  the  two.  After  this,  when  head- 
men were  too  pressing  in  their  offers  of  friendly  presents,  we 
related  the  story  of  the  two  goats,  and  it  never  failed  to  cure 
them  of  their  fits  of  generosity. 

We  found  them  at  that  time,  as  the  above  incident  of  the 
goats  indieates,  most  inveterate  thieves ; but  a few  years 
later  when  three  young  men  of  the  town  broke  into  our  store 
and  stole  goods  to  the  value  of  sixteen  thousand  brass  rods,  the 
mass  of  the  people  arose  in  sueh  indignation  on  learning  the 
facts  that  they  tied  up  the  thieves,  although  they  were  free 
men  and  not  slaves,  and,  bringing  them  to  us  ignominiously 
bound,  laid  them  at  our  feet.  And  public  opinion  was  so  un- 
mistakable in  denouncing  the  act,  that  the  young  men  and  their 
families  disgorged  the  whole  of  what  they  had  stolen  from  us 
to  the  last  brass  rod. 

At  first  they  absolutely  refused  to  trust  us  even  with  the 
value  of  an  egg — we  had  to  put  the  price  in  their  hands  as  we 
took  the  article  ; but  gradually  they  became  less  suspicious 
of  us.  During  the  early  months  at  Monsembe  our  steamer 
failed  to  arrive  at  the  expeeted  time,  consequently  our  small 
supply  of  barter  goods  became  exhausted  ; and  to  be  without 
these  articles  of  exchange  in  such  a country  was  like  being  a 
foreigner  in  a strange  land  without  money.  Food,  however, 
was  necessary,  both  for  ourselves  and  those  dependent  on  us. 
We  told  the  natives  that  our  store  was  practically  empty,  and 
that  we  eould  not  pay  them  then,  but  would  do  so  when  we 
received  our  goods  from  down-river.  We  offered  them  papers 
stating  what  we  had  bought,  the  price  agreed  upon,  the  date, 
and  the  seller’s  name — a kind  of  promissory  note  which  we 
promised  to  redeem  on  the  arrival  of  our  steamer. 

The  natives  said  : “ We  will  let  you  have  the  food  supplies 
that  you  need,  but  we  will  not  accept  your  books.”  They 
called  any  piece  of  paper  at  that  time  a “ book.” 

“ Why  will  you  not  take  our  books  ? ” we  inquired ; “ for  we 
may  forget  how  much  we  owe,  and  to  whom  we  owe  it.” 

“ Oh,  you  will  not  forget  your  debts,”  they  replied ; “ and  if 

46 


AFRAID  OF  OUR  “BOOKS” 


there  were  any  fear  of  that  we  should  not  even  then  accept 
your  books,  but  should  refuse  to  let  you  have  the  food  without 
the  money.” 

“ Why  will  you  not  take  our  books,  then  ? ” we  again  asked 
in  amazement. 

“ Well,”  they  said,  “ if  we  were  to  accept  your  books,  and 
put  them  in  our  houses,  no  rain  would  fall  on  our  farms,  and  we 
should  all  be  starved  to  death.” 

Argue  as  we  would,  we  could  not  move  them  from  their 
superstitious  position  in  relation  to  our  poor  little  pieces  of 
paper.  By  that  time  they  knew  our  intentions  towards  them 
were  good,  or  they  would  not  have  trusted  us  with  their  fowls, 
eggs,  plantain,  and  native  bread  without  receiving  the  barter 
goods  at  once,  yet  they  were  afraid  of  the  evil  effects  our 
“ books  ” would  have  on  their  farms.  They  thought  the  magic 
was  in  the  “ book,”  and  in  spite  of  our  good  motives  that  that 
magic  would  work  against  them  directly  the  “ books  ” had  passed 
from  us  into  their  possession.  While  the  “ books  ” were  in  our 
house  we  controlled  or  nullified  their  evil  magic,  but  when  they 
had  passed  out  of  our  hands  we  had  no  further  power  over  their 
wicked  forces,  and  the  natives  were  afraid  of  not  being  able  to 
counteract  their  black  art,  hence  their  continued  refusal  to 
accept  them.  It  was  a curious  belief  that  obsessed  them  : 
that  men  who  they  firmly  believed  were  kindly  disposed  to- 
wards them  should  yet  have  in  their  possession  such  “ books  ” 
as  would  work  mischief  to  those  for  whom  they  had  nothing 
but  friendly  feelings.  We  therefore  entered  their  names  in  a 
notebook  as  we  bought  the  food  supplies,  and  thus  keeping  an 
account  of  what  money  we  owed,  and  to  whom,  we  were  able 
to  settle  our  accounts  with  them  at  a later  date. 


47 


CHAPTER  III 


STRUGGLES  WITH  THE  LANGUAGE 


“ Trade  ” and  “ Bangala  ” languages — Making  a vocabulary — Housekeeper 
and  master  of  works — Natives  tell  us  words — Elements  of  difficulty — 
Glib  translations — Natives  deceive  us — Head-men  offer  us  wines — We 
are  a conundrum  to  our  neighbours— Confidence  gained  at  last— Collect 
nearly  seven  thousand  root  words — A mode  of  making  derivations — 
Native  figures  of  speech. 


N the  main  river  there  was  a mixed  language,  commonly 


called  among  us  the  “ trade  language  ” ; by  means  of 


this  lingua  franca  we  were  able  to  make  ourselves 


understood  at  the  various  places  at  which  we  touehed  on  our 
search  for  a new  site,  and  it  stood  us  in  good  stead  during  our 
early  days  among  the  Monsembe  people.  There  was  a large 
element  of  Bobangi  in  it,  some  Kiswahili  words,  and  a few 
Lower  Congo  words  and  phrases.  This  “ trade  language  ” has 
now  been  supplanted  by  what  is  called  the  “ Bangala  language,” 
which  is  a mixture  of  the  languages  already  mentioned,  with  a 
smattering  of  Bangala  words  thrown  in. 

For  a considerable  time  Diboko  (Nouvelles  Anvers),  or  as 
it  is  most  frequently  called  by  white  men  generally  when  speak- 
ing to  natives,  Bangala,  was  the  largest  State  station  above 
Stanley  Pool.  A large  number  of  natives  were  imported  there 
from  all  the  tribes  on  the  Upper  Congo,  and  this  heterogeneous 
mass  of  humanity,  often  numbering  over  two  thousand  soldiers, 
workmen,  and  women,  held  communieation  with  each  other 
by  means  of  the  “ trade  language.”  The  smartest  of  the  natives 
in  the  towns  adjaeent  to  Diboko  quickly  learned  this  jargon, 
and  used  it  more  or  less  fluently  when  communicating  with  the 


48 


MAKING  A VOCABULARY 


State  soldiers  and  workmen ; and  the  white  men  hearing  the 
natives  of  the  neighbourhood  talking  this  lingo  jumped  to  the 
eonelusion  that  it  was  their  own  tongue  in  whieh  they  were 
conversing,  and  thus  ealled  it  the  Bangala  language,  and  by 
that  name  it  is  now  generally  known  on  the  Upper  Congo. 

As  it  was  with  the  “ trade  language  ” so  it  is  with  the 
“ Bangala  ” ; it  varies  considerably  with  the  tribe  using  it.  A 
Bobangi  man  when  in  difficulty  for  a word  or  phrase  while 
speaking  “ Bangala  ” will  fill  up  the  hiatus  with  a word  from 
his  mother-tongue  ; the  Bangalas,  Bopoto,  and  Bosoko  peoples 
will  fill  up  the  gaps,  each  from  their  own  language,  so  that  the 
“ Bangala  ” spoken  differs  according  to  the  district  in  which 
the  traveller  may  be  sojourning.  A crew  running  a steamer,  or 
a gang  of  men  working  on  a station,  though  they  may  come 
from  half  a dozen  different  tribes,  will  quickly  arrange  a lingo 
of  their  own,  and  the  white  man  running  the  steamer,  or  in 
charge  of  the  station,  will  easily  acquire  the  resulting  patter, 
and  up  to  a certain  point  make  himself  fairly  well  understood 
in  all  matters  relating  to  the  ordinary  affairs  of  steamer  or 
station  life.  In  the  near  future  there  will  be,  no  doubt,  a 
language  formed  by  a gradual  selection  of  words  and  phrases 
from  all  the  great  languages  on  the  river  from  Stanley  Pool 
to  Stanley  Falls.  Such  a means  of  intercommunication  will  be 
a great  boon  to  all  concerned — black  and  white  alike — a better 
understanding  will  result,  and,  as  a consequence,  a greater 
respect  for  each  other. 

Directly  we  settled  at  Monsembe  we  began  to  learn  the 
language  of  the  people  amongst  whom  we  were  living.  The 
“ trade  language  ” was  all  that  was  necessary  to  a passer-by ; 
it  answered  the  purpose  of  bartering  for  food  and  dealing  with 
the  trivialities  of  life  ; but  was  absolutely  inadequate  for  con- 
veying our  message  as  missionaries,  or  for  dealing  with  the 
finer  and  deeper  affairs  of  the  minds,  hearts,  and  souls  of  our 
parishioners.  We  had  therefore  to  learn  the  language,  and  we 
had  no  desire  to  shirk  the  drudgery,  nor  avoid  the  arduous, 
persistent  effort  such  a study  demanded,  for  we  regarded 

49 


D 


NATIVES  TELL  US  WORDS 

it  as  a part  of  our  work,  and  not  the  least  interesting  part 
either. 

My  colleague,  Mr.  Stapleton,  and  I arranged  that  one  should 
take  charge  of  the  house,  buy  the  food  brought  for  sale,  and 
prepare  the  meals  ; while  the  other  should  look  after  the  work- 
men, clear  the  grass  away,  mark  out  the  ground,  collect 
materials  for  building,  and  start  the  erection  of  a larger  and 
more  comfortable  house  than  our  poor  hut.  We  were  to  alter- 
nate these  duties — one  was  to  be  housekeeper  one  week,  and 
head  of  the  works  department  the  next  week. 

As  I had  been  in  the  country  nine  years  the  heavier  end  of 
the  stick  fell  naturally  to  my  lot.  I had  brought  two  men 
and  a lad  with  me  from  the  Lower  Congo,  one  Cameroons  man 
capable  of  doing  rough  carpentry  had  joined  us  at  Bolobo,  and 
we  had  hired  two  men  at  Lukolele,  so  we  had  some  help  ; but 
more  was  necessary,  and  we  were  able  to  engage  a few  natives 
— as  many  as  we  required — at  twenty  rods  per  month  as  pay, 
five  rods  per  week  rations,  and  one  fathom  of  cloth  per  month 
to  wear,  which  came  in  all  to  about  two  shillings,  invoice  price. 
This  seems  very  small,  but  we  were  in  the  heart  of  Africa  where 
brass  rods  and  cloth  were  worth,  at  that  period,  many  times 
their  invoice  value,  for  their  buying  power  was  very  great, 
and  food  was  so  plentiful  and  cheap  that  12  lbs.  of  native  bread 
could  be  bought  for  a single  brass  rod,  and  a large-size  fish  for 
another  rod.  The  men  often  requested  that  we  would  reduce 
their  ration  rods  and  proportionately  increase  their  monthly 
pay,  which  we  did. 

While  we  were  digging  the  holes  for  the  posts  of  our  larger 
house,  the  natives  who  were  curiously  watching  us,  said  : 
“ Oh,  to  do  that  sort  of  thing,”  imitating  a scooping  action 
with  the  words,  “is  tima.”  So  we  wrote  down  tima=to  dig; 
when  we  had  finished  the  hole,  they  said  it  was,  “ lifoko,^'  hence 
we  put  down  lifoko =ho\e  ; when  we  procured  a post,  they  told 
us  its  name  was  mwete,  and  that  we  recorded  as  mwete=ak 
post ; on  standing  the  post  in  the  hole  they  informed  us  that 
that  was  suma  mwete,  and  we  wrote  that  down  as  suma  mwete = 

GO 


ELEMENTS  OF  DIFFICULTY 


to  stand  a post  in  a hole.  When  we  placed  the  wall-plate  on 
they  gave  us  a word  for  that ; when  we  brought  hammer  and 
nails  out  of  our  tool-house  they  acquainted  us  with  the  names 
for  those  things  ; when  we  hammered  a nail  to  hold  the  wall- 
plate  in  position  they  gave  us  an  expression  for  nailing ; and 
if  by  any  accident  we  hit  our  finger  instead  of  the  nail,  they 
found  a suitable  expletive  for  that  action  also.  Night  by  night 
my  colleague  and  I added  the  words  together  we  had  pro- 
cured during  the  day  and  counted  them  as  eagerly  as 
any  miser  might  his  gold,  for  we  recognized  in  them  a 
means  by  which  we  should  eventually  be  able  to  deliver  our 
message. 

It  was  very  difficult  to  acquire  words  for  abstract  ideas,  as 
courage,  faith,  love,  recklessness,  etc.  ; and  it  was  not  easy  to 
procure  words  for  tangible  objects — things  that  we  could  point 
to  and  touch.  I remember  on  one  occasion  wanting  the  word 
for  table.  There  were  five  or  six  boys  standing  around,  and 
tapping  the  table  with  my  forefinger  I asked  : “ What  is 
this  ? ” One  boy  said  it  was  dodela,  another  that  it  was 
etanda,  a third  stated  it  was  bokali,  a fourth  that  it  was  elamha, 
and  the  fifth  said  it  was  meza.  These  various  words  we  wrote 
in  our  notebook,  and  congratulated  ourselves  that  we  were 
working  among  a people  who  possessed  so  rich  a language  that 
they  had  five  words  for  one  article. 

By  and  by  we  wanted  a table  brought  to  us,  and  selecting 
a word  at  random  from  our  list  of  five  words,  each  one  of  which 
we  supposed  meant  table,  we  said  : “ Benga  bokali  ”=fetch  the 
table.  The  boys  looked  at  us  with  considerable  astonishment, 
and,  noticing  their  embarrassment,  we  checked  the  list  of  words 
and  found  that  one  lad  had  thought  we  wanted  the  word  for 
tapping,  so  he  told  us  dodela— to  tap  ; another  understood  we 
were  seeking  the  word  for  the  material  of  which  the  table  was 
made,  and  he  gave  us  etanda=p\ank  ; another  had  an  idea  that 
we  required  the  word  for  hardness,  that  which  caused  the  noise 
as  we  tapped  with  our  finger,  and  he  told  us  bokali,  and  that  is 
what  we  had  told  them  to  bring  : benga  bokali— Ittch.  the  hard- 

51 


EXAMPLE  OF  OUR  DIFFICULTIES 


ness,  a feat  they  could  not  possibly  accomplish  ; another  thought 
we  wished  for  a name  for  that  which  covered  the  table,  and  his 
contribution  was  elamha— cloth. ; and  the  last  lad,  not  being 
able,  perhaps,  to  think  of  anything  else,  gave  us  the  word 
meza= table — the  very  word  we  were  seeking.  We  had  to 
scratch  out  the  first  four  Avords,  leave  the  word  meza,  and  pass 
on,  having  learned  a good  lesson  on  the  evil  results  of  jumping 
too  quickly  to  conclusions.  If  the  reader  knows  no  German, 
and  should  ever  happen  to  be  in  the  company  of  some  five  or 
six  Germans  who  do  not  understand  a single  word  of  English, 
let  him  ask  : “ What  is  this  ? ” in  indifferent  German,  and 
write  down  their  several  answers. 

In  learning  and  reducing  to  writing  an  unwritten  language 
there  are  always  several  elements  that  inerease  and  com- 
plicate the  difficulties.  There  is  what  is  in  your  own  mind  as 
the  object  for  which  you  are  seeking  a word,  and  there  is  what 
the  native  thinks  is  the  object  for  which  you  are  wanting  the 
word,  which  two  things  may  be  very  different ; again,  when 
you  are  searching  for  a word  to  embody  an  abstract  quality 
there  is,  on  the  one  hand,  the  meaning  you  attach  to  the  words 
you  use  as  illustrative  of  the  idea  for  which  you  want  the  word  ; 
and  there  is,  on  the  other  hand,  the  meaning  which  your  nati^’e 
lad  attaches  to  the  words  you  employ,  and  the  two  sets  of 
meanings  may  wadely  vary.  You  may  unknowingly  employ  a 
wrong  phrase  in  your  deseription  of  the  quality  you  are  wanting 
a word  to  express,  and  your  teaeher  is  either  puzzled  or  thrown 
entirely  off  the  scent,  and  the  result  leads  to  a disastrous  mis- 
take and,  unless  corrected  later,  to  a false,  misleading  transla- 
tion. Suppose  you  want  a word  for  healthiness  ; you  say  that 
a man  walks  well  every  day,  paddles  for  long  distanees  without 
fatigue,  eats  his  food  heartily,  has  no  pains  in  his  body,  and 
never  needs  to  go  to  a medicine-man.  “ What  do  you  call 
that  ? ” Your  helper  will  consider  for  a moment,  and  then 
reply  : “ Abe  na  bonganga.” 

By  and  by  you  go  over  the  description  with  another  person, 
and  he  says  of  such  a man  : “ Abe  na  nkonjo”  A few  days  later, 

52 


EXAMPLE  OF  OUR  DIFFICULTIES 


in  order  to  check  the  former  teachers,  you  try  another  young 
man,  and  he  tells  you  : “ Abe  na  nkasu" 

In  due  time,  however,  you  discover  that  ahe  na  bonganga 
means  : he  has  a powerful  charm  ; that  abe  na  nkonjo=he  has 
good  luck  ; and  abe  na  nkasu=he  is  very  strong ; and  that 
nkuli  is  the  proper  word  for  healthiness. 

Your  helpers  have  not  purposely  led  you  astray,  for  they 
have  simply  stated  from  their  point  of  view  how  they  would 
regard  such  a fortunate  man  who  can  walk,  paddle,  eat  well, 
has  no  pains  in  his  body,  and  never  needs  medicine — he  must 
possess  a powerful  charm,  or  have  wonderful  luck,  or  be  ex- 
ceedingly strong.  When  you  know  the  natives  better  you  find 
they  rarely  talk  about  their  health,  hence  abe  na  nkuli=he  has 
healthiness,  would  not  come  readily  to  their  minds. 

The  difference  between  our  point  of  view  and  that  of  our 
teachers  accounts  for  many  of  the  difficulties  we  experience  in 
learning  a native  language ; and  I am  afraid  that  a real  ap- 
preciation of  those  difficulties  has  rendered  me  somewhat 
suspicious  of  those  travellers  who,  after  a very  short  acquaint- 
ance with  the  native  language,  translate  glibly  their  interviews 
with  the  people.  Just  recently  I have  been  reading  a book  on 
the  Congo  in  which  the  following  occurs  : “ Bikei  yonsono, 
malami  be  na  Mputu.  Sola  e koye”  This  the  author,  who 
frequently  takes  credit  to  himself  for  his  knowledge  of  the 
native  language,  translates  as  follows  : “ All  I say  is  true,  you 
say  I lie.  It  is  finished.  I have  seen  those  things  ; you  have 
not.”  Whereas  it  should  be  : All  things  are  very  good  in 
Mputu  (white  man’s  country).  Truly  friend  ! And  the  sentence 
in  Bangala  should  have  been  written : Bike  binso  bilamu 
be  na  Mputu.  Solo  koije ! No  Congo  native  would  have 
been  guilty  of  the  grammatical  blunders  perpetrated  in  the 
sentence  as  written  by  the  author.  I have  frequently  noticed 
that  the  less  a person  knows  about  a native  language  the  more 
fluently  and  beautifully  he  will  translate  it,  as  he  is  bound 
only  by  the  limitations  of  his  own  imagination. 

When  we  had  been  living  at  Monsembe  a few  months  we 

53 


NATIVES  DECEIVE  US 


were  much  vexed  and  disgusted  to  find  that  the  people  had 
been  deceiving  us  considerably  over  their  language.  One  day, 
while  working  with  the  men,  I heard  a native  workman  shout 
out  a request  to  another  native  labourer.  From  the  nature  of 
the  work  being  done  I could  easily  guess  what  the  phrase 
really  meant ; but  the  wording  of  the  sentence  was  entirely 
different  from  that  w'hich  they  had  given  us  to  express  the 
same  idea.  Going  into  the  house,  I brought  out  my  notebook 
and  said  : “ Just  now  you  called  out  so  and  so,”  repeating 
the  short  sentence  that  was  still  fresh  in  my  memory.  “ How 
is  it  we  have  another  set  of  words  in  our  book  ? ” 

A broad  smile  gradually  spread  over  the  native’s  face  as  he 
replied  : “ White  man,  when  you  came  first  to  live  amongst 
us  we  could  not  understand  the  purpose  of  your  coming.  We 
brought  you  rubber  and  ivory ; but  you  said,  ‘ We  do  not 
trade  in  such  things.’  We  then  brought  you  male  and  female 
slaves,  and  asked  you  to  buy  them,  and  you  replied,  ‘ We  do 
not  trade  in  slaves.’  We  then  brought  you  a large  jar  of  sugar- 
cane wine,  but  you  said  that  you  did  not  drink  wine,  and 
we  answered  that  we  would  drink  it  for  you,  and  even  then 
you  would  not  buy  it.  After  that  we  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  there  was  some  wicked  reason  for  your  presence  in  our 
tow'll,  some  bad  purpose  we  could  not  understand,  and  we 
therefore  arranged  among  ourselves  not  to  teach  you  our 
language,  but  to  tell  you  as  many  words  and  phrases  as  we 
could  belonging  to  other  languages.” 

We  found  they  had  kept  their  agreement  far  too  well,  and 
as  a result  we  discovered  that  a large  percentage  of  the  words 
that  we  counted  as  good  coin  of  the  realm  w'ere  nothing  but 
base  metal,  and  had  to  be  thrown  out  of  our  notebook  as  utterly 
useless.  Undoubtedly  our  presence  was  a great  mystery  to  the 
natives.  They  could  easily  understand  the  reasons  why  traders 
and  State  officers  were  living  in  the  country  ; but  why  men 
who  neither  traded  nor  governed  should  live  in  their  midst 
w'as  a problem  discussed  repeatedly  around  their  evening  fires. 
They  had  asked  us  more  than  once  : “ Were  you  bad  men  in 

54 


HEAD-MEN  OFFER  US  WIVES 


your  country  that  you  had  to  leave  it  to  come  and  live  here 
in  this  land  ? ” Or  : “ Is  there  no  food  in  your  country  that 
you  come  here  and  buy  only  fowls  and  vegetables  of  us  ? ” 
Fowls  were  plentiful  and  very  cheap,  costing  us  often  less  than 
twopence  each,  and  as  it  was  the  only  fresh  meat  we  could 
procure  regularly,  scarcely  a day  passed  without  our  having 
a fowl  for  dinner,  hence  the  point  and  purpose  of  their  ques- 
tion. These  inquiries  we  answered  as  fully  as  we  could  ; but, 
notwithstanding  our  replies,  we  remained  a puzzle  to  our  neigh- 
bours and  the  subjects  of  many  a long  and  heated  talk. 

One  day  some  of  the  head-men  came  to  us,  and  after  solemnly 
taking  their  seats  on  the  stools  their  wives  had  brought  for  the 
purpose,  they  said  ; “ White  men,  we  have  come  to  talk  a 
palaver  with  you.” 

Our  minds  quickly  ran  over  our  actions  during  the  last  few 
days,  for  we  wondered  what  offence  we  had  committed  to 
cause  such  a visit  from  so  many  serious-looking  head-men.  We 
could  not  recall  any  action  or  any  words  that  were  likely  to 
have  given  umbrage  to  the  natives,  so  we  waited  to  hear  from 
their  lips  of  some  breach  of  etiquette  of  which,  all  unknowingly, 
we  had  been  guilty. 

Old  Mata  Bombo,  a tall,  straight  man  of  over  sixty  years, 
was  spokesman  for  the  deputation.  “ We  have  noticed,”  he 
said,  “ that  you  have  no  wives,  and  we  think  it  would  be  well 
for  you  two  white  men  to  marry  two  of  our  women ; and  we 
have  brought  some  from  which  you  can  make  your  selection.” 
And  as  he  finished  speaking  he  pointed  to  a row  of  giggling 
girls  and  women,  who  while  he  was  talking  had  lined  up  a few 
yards  away. 

As  seriously  as  we  could,  w'e  expressed  our  thanks  for  their 
concern  on  our  behalf,  and  also  for  their  generosity  in  giving 
us  such  a fine  array  from  w'hich  to  choose  our  wives  ; but 
continuing,  I said  : “ I have  a wife  in  Mputu  (white  man’s 
country) ; and  my  friend,  Mr.  Stapleton,  has  a lady  there 
waiting  to  become  his  wife  as  soon  as  he  returns  home.  We 
cannot  therefore  accept  your  offer.” 

56 


WE  ARE  A CONUNDRUM 


“ That  is  no  difficulty,”  they  all  answered  in  chorus.  “ You 
can  marry  two  of  these  now,  and  when  your  white  wives  come 
you  can  send  these  back  to  their  families,  and  there  will  be  no 
palaver.” 

We,  however,  persisted  in  declining  with  thanks,  and  at  last 
it  dawned  upon  them  that  we  were  quite  serious  in  our  re- 
fusal. The  head-men  went  off  in  a huff,  as  they  expected  to 
make  some  profit  out  of  the  alliance  ; and  the  women  moved 
away  chagrined  that  their  charms  had  had  so  little  effect  on 
us,  and,  possibly,  they  were  also  vexed  by  the  knowledge  that 
they  would  be,  for  many  a day  to  come,  the  butts  of  much 
ridicule  and  chaff  from  the  other  w'omen  of  the  town  and  dis- 
trict. 

Doubtless  this  incident  added  much  to  the  problem  concern- 
ing us  that  was  exercising  the  native  mind.  Here  are  two 
strong,  healthy  white  men,  rich  like  other  white  men  (the 
poorest  white  man  is  a millionaire  in  the  eyes  of  the  natives), 
building  houses  in  our  town,  working  hard  from  sunrise  to 
sunset,  refusing  our  ivory,  and  rubber,  our  slaves,  our  women, 
and  our  drink.  What  are  they  ? They  say  they  have  “ come 
to  tell  us  about  God.”  But  would  white  men  leave  home, 
wives,  family,  and  work  in  the  sun  as  they  do  just  to  tell  us 
about  God  ? They  say  they  have  “ come  to  help  us,  to  teach 
us  many  things  and  to  do  us  good  ” ; and  they  offer  us  medicine 
when  we  are  sick.  How  can  they  help  us  ? What  can  they 
teach  us  ? How  will  they  do  us  good  ? And  as  for  their  medicine, 
who  would  be  foolish  enough  to  drink  it  ? It  might  bewitch 
us.  Such  were  the  questions  surging  through  their  minds  (as 
we  learned  later) ; and  there  was  no  one  sufficiently  in  their 
confidence  to  help  to  the  proper  solution  of  this  difficult 
conundrum.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  they  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  we  were  bad  men  living  in  their  district  for  some  ulterior 
motive ; and  the  best  way  to  treat  us  was  to  humour  us  in 
building,  keep  their  eyes  alert  to  thwart  any  wicked  designs, 
avoid  teaching  us  their  language,  which  we  seemed  particu- 
larly eager  to  learn,  and  in  the  meantime  make  as  much  money 

56 


COLLECT  ROOT  WORDS 


out  of  US  as  they  could,  either  by  fair  or  dishonest  means,  it 
did  not  matter  which  ? 

Many  of  these  thoughts  we  surmised  from  their  actions,  but 
their  whole  course  of  reasoning  we  did  not  fully  learn  until 
very  many  months  had  passed  away,  in  faet,  not  until  we  had 
gained  their  entire  eonfidenee.  In  the  meantime  we  tried,  in 
our  poor  way,  to  live  the  life  of  our  Master,  Jesus  Christ, 
among  our  barbarous  neighbours,  and  their  suspicions  about 
us  gradually  melted  away.  They  would  come  and  chat  freely 
with  us,  and  by  and  by  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  to  have 
three  or  four  lads  sitting  with  us  teaching  us  their  language  and 
helping  us  to  a right  understanding  of  the  rules  that  govern 
it ; and  men  passing  by  would  stop,  and,  listening  to  the  lads 
for  a time,  aid  in  elucidating  some  knotty  point.  Patience, 
love,  and  straight  dealing  won  their  confidence,  their  dis- 
interested assistance,  and  at  last  their  love. 

Eventually,  by  the  help  of  the  people — old  and  young,  for 
all  became  interested  in  the  work — we  were  able  to  collect 
close  upon  seven  thousand  root  words  which,  'with  their 
derivatives,  give  us  a voeabulary  of  nearly  forty  thousand 
words. 

These  derivatives  are  produced  by  very  regular  rules,  which 
when  once  understood,  the  learner  possesses  the  key  to  a large 
treasury  of  words,  e.g.  ; 

Verb.  Tula.  To  do  smithing. 

Der.  Noun.  Motuli.  A smith. 

„ „ Motuliji.  One  who  causes  the  smithing  to  be 

done,  a master. 

,,  ,,  Motuleliji.  One  who  eauses  smithing  to  be  done 

for  another,  a foreman. 

„ ,,  Ntula.  The  smithing  peculiar  to  one  smith,  as 

distinct  from  that  of  another  smith 
— his  mode  of  smithing. 


57 


A MODE  OF  MAKING  DERIVATIVES 


Der.  Noun. 

Lituli 

The  kind  of  smithing  needed  by  one 
article  as  distinct  from  that  required 
by  another. 

yy 

99 

Botula. 

Skill  or  ability  in  smithing. 

9 9 

Etuli. 

The  article  worked  upon. 

)> 

99 

Etulela. 

Habit  of  smithing. 

99 

99 

Etuleli. 

Instrument  with  which  to  do  smithing. 

99 

99 

Motula. 

A smithing,  e.g.  Atuli  motula,  literally, 
he  smiths  a smithing,  i.e.  he  works 
at  smithing. 

99 

99 

Litulele. 

A place  for  smithing = a workshop, 
smithy. 

99 

99 

Motuleli. 

One  who  does  smithing  for  another,  an 
employee  at  smithing. 

Another  set  of  derivatives  is  made  from  the  reversive  form 
of  the  word,  as  kanga=to  tie,  mokangi—a  tier,  kangola=to 
untie,  mokangoli= an  untier  ; and  this  reversive  form  can  give 
us  derivatives  built  on  its  idea,  as  from  kangolela=to  untie  for 
another,  comes  mokangoleli= one  who  unties  for  another  ; and 
from  the  causative  kangolija=to  cause  to  untie,  comes  mokango- 
liji=one  who  causes  to  untie  ; and,  again,  from  the  causative 
of  its  prepositional  form  kangolelija=to  cause  to  untie  some- 
thing for  someone,  comes  mokangoleliji  = one  who  causes  a 
person  to  untie  something  for  or  on  behalf  of  another. 

One  could  mention  the  stative  and  the  passive  forms  of 
the  verb  with  their  respective  prepositional  and  causative 
suffixes,  each  supplying  their  own  series  of  derivatives  ; but  I 
fear  the  reader  would  weary  of  them,  and  the  student  of 
African  languages  has  now  at  his  disposal  many  grammars  of 
Bantu  tongues  that  will  fully  satisfy  his  love  for  comparative 
language  study.  My  only  desire  in  these  few  paragraphs  is  to 
show  that  the  natives  of  the  Congo  do  not  talk  a gibberish  like 
a lot  of  monkeys,  but  have  at  their  disposal  a magnificent 

58 


NEW  WORD-PHRASES 


language  that  excites  the  admiration  of  every  student.  And  it 
will  be  seen  that  such  complex  languages  are  not  to  be  mastered 
in  a few  weeks  or  months  by  any  globe-trotter  who  has  a fancy 
for  African  travel,  for  they  demand  time  and  constant  study  to 
appreciate  their  finesse,  and  special  linguistic  ability  to  master 
their  details  and  accurately  define  the  words  collected,  and  the 
various  derivatives  discovered. 

It  must  not  be  thought  that  for  every  verb  all  the  various 
derivatives  can  be  found,  as  for  obvious  reasons  some  deriva- 
tives are  not  required  from  some  verbs,  and  other  derivatives 
are  not  required  from  other  verbs,  e.g.  the  reversive  verb 
tulola— to  undo  smithing,  can  be  built  on  tula=to  do  smithing ; 
but  as  such  an  idea  as  to  undo  smithing  is  ridiculous,  hence  no 
derivatives  founded  on  the  reversive  form  tulola  are  to  be  met 
with  in  the  language.  Smithing  can  be  spoilt,  and  for  that  they 
have  a word,  but  when  once  a knife  is  forged  it  cannot  be  un- 
forged, i.e.  it  cannot  be  returned  to  iron  ore  like  a knot  that 
can  be  untied  and  the  string  resume  its  original  form. 

Neither  do  the  natives  add  to  every  verb  all  the  prefixes  and 
suffixes  that  can  grammatically  be  affixed  to  them.  It  is  very 
apparent  that  some  verbs  are  complicated  with  causative,  pre- 
positional, tense,  and  other  forms,  and  it  is  necessary  to  know 
for  what  the  polysyllabic  word  stands  as  a phrase,  as  there  is  no 
time  to  dissect  it  while  a speech  is  in  progress.  This  is  what  I 
think  the  native  does.  He  has  no  words  for  the  parts  of  speech 
as  we  have  in  grammar,  he  does  not  know  that  bakamokangelela 
ntaba  nxinga  is  made  up  of  the  nominative  pronominal  prefix 
6a=they,  the  present  tense  progressive  ka=ing,  the  objective 
pronominal  prefix  mo = him,  the  verb  kanga=tie,  the  two 
prepositional  suffixes  ela  = tor,  and  eZa=^vith  (the  “a”  elides 
before  “e”),  and  two  objective  nouns  7itaba=goa.t,  and 
nxinga— string ; but  he  knows  that  bakamokangelela  ntaba 
nxinga  means  “ they  are  tying  the  goat  for  him  with  string.” 
And  if  you,  as  a white  man,  while  speaking  and  translating, 
try  to  make  new  polysyllabic  words  by  a new  combination  of 
prefixes  and  suffixes,  then  you  confuse  your  hearers  (or  readers) 

59 


AN  ALLITERATIVE  LANGUAGE 


to  such  an  extent  that  they  do  not  readily  follow  you.  You 
will  have  to  edueate  them  to  a proper  understanding  of  your 
new  phrases,  as  English  folk  had  to  learn  Carlyle’s  picture- 
phrases  a generation  ago  before  they  eould  appreciate  their 
force  and  beauty. 

It  seems  that  in  the  course  of  time  the  various  dialects  have 
become  more  or  less  stereotyped  in  the  use  of  eertain  verbal 
suffixes,  and  if  a speaker  now  creates  new  combinations  the 
hearers  do  not  at  once  follow  him  ; or  it  may  be  that  at  some 
period  in  the  past  when  a dialect  was  in  the  making  the  minds 
of  the  people  were  very  active,  and  the  combinations  they 
formed  are  fixed  and  remembered,  and  no  new  ones  are  being 
made,  as  the  minds  of  the  present  generation  are  less  gymnastic  ; 
or,  again,  it  may  be  that  a man  with  some  pretensions  to 
intellectual  power  ereated  new  combinations  of  verbal  suffixes, 
and  impressed  them  on  his  generation,  and  thus  superseded 
other  word-phrases  as  Chaucer’s  English  has  been  succeeded  by 
a later  form,  and  that  by  a still  later,  and  the  forms  of  speech 
used  by  his  characters  have  given  place  to  later  forms  that 
would  have  been  scarcely  understood  in  his  day.  However,  in 
the  Bantu  languages  there  are  such  possibilities  of  infinite 
combinations  that  as  the  natives  are  now  being  educated  it  is 
impossible  to  foretell  what  subtleties  of  thought  they  will  be 
able  to  express  accurately  with  so  plastic  and  beautiful  a 
language. 

The  Boloki  dialect,  like  all  the  Bantu  languages,  is  allitera- 
tive in  construction,  i.e.  the  prefix  of  the  nominative  of  the 
sentence  beeomes  the  prefix  of  all  the  words  dependent  on 
it,  e.g. : 


motoko  mana  mabale  manene  j^amansombela  we  ?«alaba, 

(literally) 

which  me 
bought  for 


spoons  those  two  large 


you  they  are  lost 


= those  two  large  spoons  which  you  bought  for  me,  they 
are  lost.  The  plural  prefix  ma  of  the  first  word  whieh  is  the 
nominative  is  prefixed  to  all  the  other  words  because  they  are 


60 


CLASSIFICATION  OF  WORDS 


dependent  on  it.  If  it  had  been  in  the  singular  it  would  have 
been  Zitoko  Zina,  etc.  This  alliterative  concord,  as  it  is  called, 
is  very  helpful  to  clearness  of  meaning. 

In  the  Boloki  language  there  are  eight  classes  of  alliterative 
concord,^  i.e.  all  the  nouns  in  the  language  belong  to  one  or 
other  of  these  eight  classes,  and  directly  the  class  of  a noun  is 
decided  its  pronominal  prefixes,  its  possessive  and  demonstra- 
tive pronouns,  etc.,  are  at  once  known  also  by  the  fixed  rules  of 
usage,  or,  as  we  should  say,  by  the  grammar  of  the  language, 
and  its  plural  form  is  also  easily  ascertainable. 


Class  1. 

MoZM=person. 

BaZw= persons,  people. 

99 

2. 

Ndaku=house. 

Mandaku=h.ouses. 

99 

3. 

Loboko=axm. 

Maboko=axms. 

99 

4. 

LZnA:me= guinea  fowl. 

Manfcemo= guinea  fowls. 

99 

5. 

Bopepo=pipe  bowl. 

Mapepe=pipe  bowls. 

99 

6. 

Lobeki = saucepan. 

Mbeki = saucepans . 

99 

7. 

Etanda = plank. 

Bitanda = planks. 

99 

8. 

Munke =eggs. 

31inke=eggs. 

. Collective  noun,  nke=&  lot  of  eggs,  and  this  makes  its  plural 
in  manke=\ots,  as  manke  mabale=two  lots  of  eggs,  as  a noun 
of  Class  2. 

It  took  us  a considerable  time  to  work  out  this  classification, 
as  it  meant  the  collecting  of  a very  large  number  of  words  and 
the  writing  down  of  their  singular  and  plural  forms.  It  was 
easy  enough  to  see  that  all  nouns  beginning  with  “ e ” made 
their  plurals  by  turning  the  “ e ” into  “ bi  ” ; but  it  was  not 
so  easy  to  decide  about  the  “ Zo,”  for  we  found  that  some 
plurals  were  made  by  changing  the  “ lo  ” into  “ ma,”  and  others 
by  turning  “ Zo  ” into  “ m ” ; and  when  it  is  remembered  that 
there  are  sixteen  ways  of  using  every  adjective,  according  as  it 
is  singular  or  plural  and  belongs  to  one  or  other  of  the  classes, 

* On  the  Lower  Congo  there  are  fifteen  classes. 

61 


NATIVE  FIGURES  OF  SPEECH 

it  will  be  recognized  by  the  reader  that  an  African  language  is 
something  to  study  and  not  despise  as  being  “ only  a nigger’s 
language.”  Of  course,  it  is  easy  to  pick  up  a few  words  and 
phrases  for  ordinary  daily  use  which,  when  eked  out  with  ges- 
tures, will  carry  the  traveller  a long  way  if  he  has  a factotum 
quick  at  sign  and  thought-reading ; but  for  expressing  the 
finer  shades  of  meaning,  and  also  for  receiving  the  same,  an 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  language  is  necessary.  I have  heard 
more  than  one  white  man  blame  the  missionary  for  “ making 
a grammar  for  the  nigger  ” ; whereas  the  missionary  has  simply 
found  out  the  rules  by  which  the  “ niggers  ” talk,  and  written 
them  down  in  such  grammatical  terms  that  others  might  under- 
stand them. 

I have  inserted  a short  note  on  the  verb^  in  the  Appendix, 
and  also  a note  on  the  Boloki  method  of  counting.^  But  before 
closing  this  chapter  I wish  to  write  a few  lines  on  the  figurative 
mode  of  speaking  which  is  peculiar  to  all  Bantu  languages,  and 
by  no  means  confined  to  the  Boloki  people.  The  phrases  in 
italics  are  literal  translations  of  the  native  terms  for  expressing 
their  emotions,  etc. 

When  a native  is  worried  his  heart  is  let  down,  and  should  he 
have  a choice  of  two  equally  pleasant  things  his  heart  is  pulled 
in  opposite  directions  ; but  when  the  heart  has  recovered  its 
normal  condition  after  some  violent  outbreak  it  is  said  to  be 
stopped,  or  after  some  perturbing  grief  they  say  the  heart  is 
stuck  to  the  ribs,  as  there  are  no  longer  any  flutterings. 

A greedy,  selfish  person  has  a heart  of  leaves,  and  a person 
who  is  recklessly  indifferent  to  all  the  consequences  of  his 
action  has  lost  his  heart,  and  one  who  is  lying  and  treacherous 
in  his  ways  has  a heart  that  has  broken  loose,  over  which  the 
owner  has  no  proper  control.  Should  you  be  kind  enough  to 
comfort  a person  in  a great  sorrow,  your  action  will  be  described 
as  sticking  the  heart  to  the  ribs,  and  thus  keeping  it  from  moving 
about  inside  ; or  if  you  have  soothed  a person  in  distress  you 

' See  Appendix,  Note  2,  p.  336. 

* See  Appendix,  Note  3,  p.  33i). 

62 


NATIVE  FIGURES  OF  SPEECH 


are  regarded  as  having  pushed  his  heart  down  into  its  place. 
When  a person  is  irresolute  in  mind,  and  undecided  as  to  the 
best  course  to  pursue,  he  describes  his  state  by  saying,  “ My 
heart  is  rolling  from  side  to  side,”  and  the  word  used  describes  a 
canoe  rocking  in  a storm. 

The  moon,  as  its  light  begins  to  appear  above  the  horizon,  is 
said  to  he  kicking  out  with  its  legs,  and  when  it  shows  itself  above 
the  sky-line  it  is  then  unstuck  from  the  earth.  Sunset  is  called 
either  the  sun  has  become  black,  or  the  sun  has  entered,  or  when 
the  fowls  go  to  roost  ; and  the  Pleiades  are  spoken  of  as  a crowd 
of  young  women  ; and  the  bright  star  Venus  as  it  draws  near  the 
moon  is  named  the  wife  of  the  moon. 

When  you  desire  to  warn  a person  you  tell  him  to  throw  his 
eyes  about,  and  a person  who  frowns  is  said  to  tie  his  eyebrows. 
A conceited  person  who  wants  the  whole  path  to  himself  is 
scornfully  asked,  “ Did  you  plant  the  earth  ? ” (i.e.  Did  you 
create  the  world  ?),  as  though  it  were  a pumpkin  over  which  he 
had  sole  rights  of  ownership.  A lad  who  gives  an  impertinent 
answer  is  described  as  having  a sharp  mouth,  while  one  who  is 
not  good  at  repartee  is  looked  upon  as  having  no  mouth  at  all. 

A person  who  frequently  reverts  to  the  cause  of  a quarrel,  or 
a woman  who  is  constantly  nagging,  has  a word  applied  to  her 
which  means  the  bubbling  up  of  boiling  water  ; and  one  who 
does  not  contribute  his  share  to  the  general  talk  around  the 
evening  fire  is  likened  to  the  useless  fibrous  core  of  a cassava  root, 
only  fit  to  be  thrown  away ; while  a person  who  answers  a 
question  not  addressed  to  him  is  picking  up  something  before  it 
is  lost. 

The  native  word  for  an  umbrella  means  a large  bat.  When  the 
eyes  are  dimmed  from  any  cause  they  are  said  to  be  covered 
with  cobwebs ; and  a man  suffering  from  hunger  says,  “ My 
waist  is  stuck  to  my  back” ; i.e.  I am  so  empty  of  food  that  there 
is  nothing  to  keep  the  front  of  the  stomach  from  sticking  to 
the  backbone.  A foolish,  credulous  person  is  likened  to  a 
squirrel  constantly  nodding  its  head  in  assent  to  everything  that 
is  said.  To  become  conscious  of  someone  behind  looking  at  you 

63 


NATIVE  FIGURES  OF  SPEECH 

is  expressed  in  the  phrase  : to  feel  the  back  heavy.  The  Congo 
crow  has  a broad  white  band  round  its  neck,  and  when  the  river 
is  dark  with  the  reflection  of  the  frowning  storm-clouds  above, 
and  the  wind  is  blowing  up-river,  covering  the  water  with 
white-crested  waves,  such  waves  are  called  by  the  natives  a 
flock  of  crows. 


64 


CHAPTER  IV 


EARLY  DAYS  AT  MONSEMBE 

Building  our  house — Armed  natives — Their  ruse  to  discover  onr  strength — 
The  reason  of  their  proffered  help — A tribal  war — Cannibal  feast — Taunt 
us  with  being  cowards  and  women — We  defend  some  visitors — Blood- 
brotherhood — Inquisitive  Congo  boys — Medicine  and  “ books  ” — Mental 
powers  of  Congo  lads — Native  view  of  women. 

WE  were  about  a fortnight  erecting  the  framework  of 
our  house  and  finishing  the  walls  ; and  then  it  took 
us  over  two  months  to  collect  and  dry  local  materials 
for  the  roof  ; but  in  the  meantime  we  made  doors  and  windows, 
and  cut  a large  number  of  nine-inch  blocks  for  paving  the  floor. 
I thought  that  these  blocks  tvould  raise  us  above  the  damp 
earth,  and  would  also  help  to  keep  away  some  of  the  insect 
and  reptile  pests  that  invade  a house  built  on  the  ground. 
We  did  not  square  the  blocks,  but  simply  laid  them  evenly 
bedded  in  puddled  clay  ; and  with  some  native  mats  spread 
over  them  they  formed  a fairly  comfortable  floor.  The  blocks 
lasted  for  more  than  three  years,  by  which  time  they  began 
to  rot  at  the  bottom  and  sink  ; but  they  served  their  purpose, 
and  then  became  useful  as  firewood. 

The  house  that  we  ran  up  so  quickly  was  40  feet  long  by  18 
feet  wide.  This  gave  us  each  a bed-sitting-room  15  feet  by  18 
feet,  a store-room  10  feet  by  12  feet,  and  a six-foot  passage 
communicating  between  the  two  principal  rooms,  and  into  this 
passage  the  front  doors  opened.  In  the  front  of  the  house  we 
built  a large  open  porch  14  feet  by  14  feet,  which  served  the 
purpose  of  dining,  drawing  and  reception-room.  Thus  we  had  a 
large  airy  house,  rain,  wind,  and  sun-tight,  which  undoubtedly 
E 65 


ARMED  NATIVES 


greatly  conduced  to  health  and  comfort  during  the  building  of 
more  permanent  dwellings  in  antieipation  of  the  coming  of  our 
wives. 

At  that  time  the  natives  never  moved  many  yards  from  their 
houses  without  three  or  four  spears  in  their  hands,  ugly  knives 
in  their  sheaths,  and  shields  on  their  arms.  Armed  in  this 
manner  they  would  frequently  congregate  on  the  bank,  and, 
shading  their  eyes  with  their  hands,  they  would  look  earnestly 
down  the  river  ; and  then  coming  to  us  they  would  say,  “ White 
men,  the  people  in  the  lower  towns  are  coming  up  to  fight  you  ; 
get  out  your  guns  ready  and  we  will  help  you.” 

Looking  down  the  river  we  could  see  in  the  distance  many 
canoes  darting  about,  but  as  we  had  given  the  natives  of  those 
towns  no  reason  for  attaeking  us,  and  as  we  were  the  guests 
of  another  town  we  knew  they  would  not  assail  us  without 
collusion  with  our  neighbours  ; and  as  our  neighbours  had  every 
opportunity  of  easily  killing  two  unarmed  men  if  they  desired 
so  to  do  without  calling  in  outsiders  to  share  the  loot,  we  thought 
that  the  staring  down-river,  their  statements  regarding  the 
evil  designs  of  the  lower  towns,  and  their  offers  of  help  were 
simply  attempts  to  fleece  us  of  barter  goods  in  payment  for 
their  proffered  aid  ; so  we  used  to  get  out  our  binoculars,  look 
down-river,  and  making  some  laughing  remark,  go  on  with 
our  work. 

This  laughter  and  brave  show  were  more  often  forced  than 
not,  for  we  were  at  times  puzzled  by  the  apparent  earnestness 
of  our  neighbours,  and  their  repeated  assurances  that  they 
would  help  us  if  we  would  only  bring  out  our  guns  and  properly 
prepare  to  support  them  w’hen  the  attack  was  made.  As  a 
matter  of  faet,  we  had  only  one  gun  betw^een  us,  and  that  was 
in  pieces  at  the  bottom  of  one  of  my  trunks.  We  had  no  car- 
tridges, and  although  w'e  had  cartridge  cases,  shots,  balls,  caps, 
and  outfit  for  making  cartridges,  yet  we  had  not  a grain  of  gun- 
powder ; but  all  this  we  kept  to  ourselves  and  refused  to  make 
preparations  until  we  were  certain  the  enemy  really  intended 
to  attack  us. 


66 


RUSE  TO  DISCOVER  OUR  STRENGTH 


It  was  not  until  some  years  later  that  I heard  the  reason 
for  these  frequent  demonstrations  on  our  beach  ; there  was  a 
large  party,  composed  of  the  principal  head-men  in  the  town, 
who  wanted  to  kill  and  rob  us  of  our  goods,  but  they  were  not 
sure  of  our  resources.  “ What  have  they  in  those  cases  and 
trunks  ? Are  they  full  of  guns  and  cartridges  ? ” These  were 
the  questions  discussed  around  their  fires,  hence  they  hit  on 
the  ruse  of  pretending  the  other  towns  were  coming  to  fight 
us  that  we  might  make  a show  of  such  weapons  of  defence  as 
were  in  our  possession.  They  were  nonplussed  by  our  apparent 
indifference  and  calmness,  and  were  as  mueh  puzzled  by  our 
quiet  attitude  as  we  were  by  their  warlike  demonstrations. 

After  their  unsuccessful  attempts  to  make  us  exhibit  our 
force,  other  questions  were  agitated  : “ Why  are  the  white 
men  so  calm  and  quiet  ? Have  they  some  wonderful  magic 
or  powerful  ‘ medicine  ’ that  will  kill  us  all  directly  we  begin 
to  fight  them  ? What  have  they  behind  them  that  they  are 
not  afraid  when  we  tell  them  the  people  are  coming  to  attack 
them  ? Have  they  little  guns  (revolvers)  concealed  about  their 
clothes  ? ” Doubtless  our  very  calmness  not  only  mystified 
them,  but  saved  us  from  an  attack  that  would  have  been 
disastrous  to  us,  and  would  have  frustrated  our  plans  on  behalf 
of  the  people.  Some  nine  years  before  our  arrival  at  Monsembe 
I had  been  told  by  an  old  German  missionary  with  whom  I was 
travelling,  that  a display  of  force  often  incited  the  natives  to 
try  issues  with  the  sojourner  in  their  midst ; and  while  the 
above  incident  is  a confirmation  of  the  soundness  of  his  advice, 
we  have  a better  example  of  it  in  Dr.  Livingstone,  who  travelled 
among  the  wildest  tribes  and  won  their  confidence  and  friend- 
ship because  he  moved  freely  amongst  them  unarmed,  and 
unaccompanied  by  any  exhibition  of  physical  force. 

One  evening  in  November  (1890),  soon  after  we  entered  our 
new  house,  the  whole  town  was  thrown  into  a state  of  confusion 
by  the  report  that  some  of  the  up-river  towns  were  coming  to 
attack  Monsembe  on  the  morrow.  Women  hurried  by  with 
their  children,  their  fowls,  and  their  most  treasured  belongings, 

67 


A TRIBAL  WAR 


and,  putting  them  in  canoes,  they  paddled  away  in  the  darkness 
to  hide  them  and  themselves  on  the  numerous  islands  opposite 
and  below  Monsembe  ; men  gathered  their  spears,  knives,  and 
shields,  and  stood  in  groups  near  the  various  roads  that  con- 
neeted  their  town  with  the  upper  towns  ; the  bigger  lads 
sharpened  sticks  and  hardened  the  points  in  the  fire  so  as  to 
embarrass  and  annoy  the  enemy  with  them  even  if  they  could 
not  kill ; and  all  through  the  long  night  they  sounded  drums 
and  gongs  not  only  to  keep  up  their  own  spirits,  but  to  warn 
the  foe  that  they  were  on  the  alert. 

As  the  sun  next  morning  began  to  creep  above  the  eastern 
line  of  trees  that  bounded  our  horizon  there  was  great  aetivity 
in  the  town.  Men  ran  by  with  their  faces  daubed  with  a thick 
coating  of  oil  and  soot,  or  painted  with  red,  blue  or  white  streaks, 
their  heads  adorned  with  feather  caps,  and  their  waists  bound 
tightly  with  closely  woven  cotton  belts  ; others  had  cuirasses 
of  hippopotamus  hide  protecting  their  backs,  and  all  were 
in  a greatly  excited  state,  waving  their  spears,  shields,  and 
knives,  and  boasting  of  what  they  would  do  to  the  enemy. 
The  women  who  had  no  children,  and  consequently  had  not  left 
the  town,  gathered  near  our  mission  house,  feeling  perhaps  more 
secure  there  than  anywhere  else. 

Soon  we  heard  the  shouts  of  the  combatants,  and  the  occa- 
sional bang  of  a gun  (there  were  only  three  or  four  flint-locks  in 
the  whole  town) ; and  in  came  a man  with  a deep  spear  wound. 
He  gave  an  account  of  the  battle,  and  the  women  screamed  in 
anger,  or  shouted  in  derision  as  his  narrative  either  told  of  a 
friend  wounded  or  an  enemy  killed.  We  dressed  his  wound, 
and  his  wives  led  him  away.  For  nearly  two  hours  we  were 
busy  dressing  wounds  to  a chorus  of  screaming  and  shouting 
women  ; and  then  we  heard  that  the  attackers  had  given  way, 
and  were  in  full  retreat.  By  this  time  the  natives  of  the  lower 
towns  had  arrived  to  support  their  neighbours,  and  they  too 
joined  in  the  pursuit  of  the  beaten  foes,  whom  they  followed  to 
their  towns,  where  the  fight  was  renewed  until  the  Monsembe 
people  took  possession  of  them. 

68 


CANNIBAL  FEAST 


For  a time  the  only  sounds  heard  in  the  town  were  the  low 
wails  of  the  women  mourning  for  the  slain,  or  weeping  over 
those  who  were  badly  wounded  ; and  the  songs  and  shouts 
of  the  women  whose  husbands  and  relatives  had  eseaped  death 
and  wounds.  Before  sunset  the  victorious  party  returned  with 
their  loot  of  goods  and  prisoners.  Goats,  sheep,  and  fowls  were 
led  or  carried  by  our  house  ; men  laden  with  bunches  of 
plantains  and  bananas,  or  carrying  heavy  baskets  of  peanuts, 
cassava,  and  native  bread ; others  were  weighted  down  with 
fish  nets,  animal  nets,  doors,  paddles,  saucepans,  and  jars ; 
for  anything  that  would  fetch  a few  brass  rods  was  stolen  and 
formed  a part  of  the  procession  of  miscellaneous  oddments  that 
streamed  by  our  house.  After  raiding  the  enemies’  towns  they 
set  fire  to  the  houses,  and  some  told  us  with  glee  of  old  and  sick 
folk  who  had  hidden  themselves  in  the  dark  corners  of  their 
huts  who  were  burnt  to  death,  preferring,  apparently,  the  tender 
mercies  of  the  fire  to  the  cruel  death  that  awaited  them  if  they 
fell  into  the  savage  hands  of  their  ferocious  victors. 

While  we  were  sitting  at  our  tea  the  last  party  of  returning 
warriors  filed  past  our  house,  carrying  the  limbs  of  those  who 
had  been  slain  in  the  fight.  Some  had  human  legs  over  their 
shoulders,  others  had  threaded  arms  through  slits  in  the 
stomachs  of  their  dismembered  foes,  had  tied  the  ends  of  the 
arms  together,  thus  forming  loops,  and  through  these  ghastly 
loops  they  had  thrust  their  own  living  arms  and  were  carrying 
them  thus  with  the  gory  trunks  dangling  to  and  fro.  The  horrible 
sight  was  too  much  for  us,  and  retching  badly  we  had  to  abandon 
our  meal,  and  it  was  some  days  before  we  could  again  eat  with 
any  relish.  The  sight  worked  on  our  nerves,  and  in  the  night 
we  would  start  from  our  sleep,  having  seen  in  our  dreams 
exaggerated  processions  passing  before  us  burdened  with  san- 
guinary loads  of  slain  and  dismembered  bodies. 

That  night  Monsembe  and  the  neighbouring  towns  were 
given  up  to  cannibal  feasts,  and  the  next  morning  they  brought 
some  of  the  cooked  meat  to  the  station,  and  thinking  they 
were  doing  us  a favour,  they  offered  to  share  it  with  us — the 

69 


CONSTANT  FEAR  OF  REVENGE 


meat  looked  like  black  boiled  pork.  We  refused  their  offering 
with  disgust,  and  told  them  what  we  thought  of  their  horrible 
custom.  Long  before  we  settled  amongst  them  we  had  heard 
rumours  of  their  cannibalism,  but  we  regarded  the  tales  as 
more  or  less  mythical ; we  could  no  longer  now  disbelieve 
the  stories  we  had  heard.  And  later  still  there  came  to  our 
ears  a very  circumstantial  report  that  the  folk  of  the  lower 
part  of  our  district  were  procuring  for  their  cannibal  orgies  the 
natives  of  a tributary  of  the  Congo.  They  gave  ivory  and 
received  human  beings  in  exchange,  who  quickly  found  their 
way  to  the  saucepan  ; and  a white  trader  was  the  intermediary. 
However,  as  soon  as  the  white  folk  of  the  district  had  gathered 
such  evidence  as  was  irrefutable  they  brought  such  pressure  to 
bear  on  that  white  trader  and  his  company  (the  company  was 
not  implicated)  that  the  horrible  traffic  was  stopped.  That  an 
educated  white  man  could  sink  so  low  as  to  become  a wholesale 
dealer  in  human  flesh  to  a tribe  of  African  savages  is  a psycho- 
logical mystery  that  I must  leave  others  to  solve. 

After  the  fighting  and  feasting  were  over  the  Monsembe  folk 
lived  in  constant  fear  of  reprisals.  Night  after  night  groups  of 
men  were  posted  near  the  roads  leading  from  the  enemies’ 
towns,  and  frequently  the  gongs  and  drums  broke  on  the  night’s 
silence  with  their  rapid  beats,  awakening  the  sleepers  who, 
hastily  picking  up  their  spears,  knives,  and  shields,  hurried 
by  to  the  scene  of  the  alarm  only  to  find  that  the  sentries 
“ thought  they  saw  or  heard  something  ” in  the  adjacent  bush. 
The  women  sometimes  came  screaming  in  from  the  farms 
avowing  they  had  been  chased  by  the  enemy.  Every  rustle 
of  the  grass,  leaves,  or  bush  was  interpreted  into  a lurking  foe  ; 
and  the  nerves  of  the  victors  became  so  jumpy  that  a voice 
raised  in  angry  conversation  would  set  the  whole  town  agog 
with  expectation  that  the  enemy  had  come  seeking  revenge. 

When  these  alarms  took  place  during  the  day,  the  fighters 
would  demonstrate  before  our  house,  and  ask  us  to  bring  out 
our  guns  and  help  them  to  keep  off  the  foe.  “You  are  living 
in  our  town,  and  you  are  our  white  men.  We  offered  to  help 

70 


TAUNT  US  WITH  BEING  COWARDS 


you  against  the  lower  towns  if  they  came  to  attack  you,  and 
now  get  out  your  guns  and  aid  us.  Why,  if  you  were  only  to 
show  yourselves  the  people  of  the  upper  towns  would  run  away. 
Come  on,  our  white  men,  and  help  us  ! ” 

We  pointed  out  to  them  that  all  the  people  of  the  district 
were  our  friends,  and  consequently  we  could  not  assist  one 
town  to  fight  against  another. 

Then,  finding  that  arguments  and  persuasion  failed  to  move 
us,  they  took  to  taunting  us.  “You  are  not  white  men,”  they 
shouted,  “ you  are  women  ! You  are  cowards  ! ” And  with 
curled  lips  and  gestures  of  scorn  they  pointed  their  spears  and 
knives  at  us. 

Their  taunts  and  gestures  of  contempt  stung  us,  making  the 
blood  surge  through  our  veins  and  causing  us  to  go  hot  and  cold 
by  turns.  With  pale  faces,  compressed  lips,  and  hands  gripping 
tightly  whatever  came  within  our  grasp,  we  listened  patiently 
to  their  sneers.  How  easy  it  would  have  been  to  have  taken 
our  gun  and  made  some  display  of  helping  them  ! To  have 
walked  among  them,  and  to  have  fired  a shot  into  the  bush 
would  probably  have  satisfied  them  and  would  have  stopped 
their  sneers  ; but  we  were  there  on  behalf  of  the  “ Prince  of 
Peace.”  How  could  we,  then,  consistently  help  them  in  their 
fights  ? We  w’ere  there  professing  that  all  the  peoples  of  the 
neighbouring  towns  and  surrounding  districts  were  our  friends ; 
how  could  we  then  take  up  arms  against  any  of  them  and  ex- 
pect them  to  believe  our  professions  of  good-will  or  trust  again 
in  our  word  ? We  were  hoping  to  make  our  station  a centre  of 
peace,  the  meeting-place  for  all  factions  ; how  could  w^e,  then, 
with  our  hopes  and  prayers,  embroil  ourselves  in  their  hatreds 
and  wars,  or  join  sides  with  them  even  in  pretending  to  shoot 
down  our  other  parishioners  ? It  was  very  difficult,  but  strength 
was  given  to  meet  the  emergency,  to  bear  calmly  the  taunts,  the 
sneers,  and  the  contempt ; and  from  that  time  we  were  regarded 
by  all  the  towns  of  the  district  as  belonging  to  no  one  place, 
but  to  all  of  them,  as  impartial  in  our  judgments,  and  just  in 
our  dealings  with  all  alike. 


71 


WE  DEFEND  SOME  VISITORS 

About  three  weeks  after  the  first  outbreak  of  war  the  natives 
of  the  upper  towns  came  to  talk  over  the  terms  of  peace.  They 
landed  at  our  beach  as  the  only  neutral  spot,  and  tied  their 
canoes  to  our  posts.  The  deliberations  were  long,  boisterous, 
and  from  the  noise  that  came  to  our  ears  we  thought  two  or 
three  times  that  they  were  on  the  point  of  starting  fresh  hos- 
tilities. At  last  the  palavering  was  over  and  the  visitors  re- 
turned to  our  station,  and  bidding  us  good-bye,  they  entered 
their  canoes  ; but  just  as  they  were  pushing  off  the  Monsembe 
people  became  excited  and  threatening  in  their  attitude,  and 
seeing  that  a fight  on  our  beach  was  imminent,  my  colleague 
and  I picked  up  sticks  and  drove  the  Monsembe  people  back 
from  the  river  front.  We  insisted  on  the  neutrality  of  our 
station  ; we  had  bought  and  paid  for  the  land,  consequently  it 
was  ours,  and  we  would  have  no  fighting  on  it ; if  they  wanted 
to  fight  they  must  go  to  another  part  of  the  beach. 

This  attitude  of  ours  was  a revelation  to  our  Monsembe 
neighbours.  Here  were  two  white  men  whom  they  had  taunted 
with  being  cowards,  women,  etc.,  standing  with  simply  sticks 
in  their  hands  to  oppose  a crowd  armed  with  spears  and 
knives.  Two  white  men  with  sticks  only  throwing  themselves 
between  them  and  their  enemies,  and  demanding  that  no  blood 
should  be  shed  on  their  land.  What  power  had  these  white 
men  behind  them  ? So  astonished  were  they  that  they  halted 
in  their  treacherous  attack  on  their  visitors,  who,  taking 
advantage  of  the  lull,  paddled  beyond  reach  of  the  uplifted 
spears,  and  arrived  safely  home. 

After  this  failure  to  settle  the  terms  of  peace,  a go-between 
{molekaleku)  was  appointed  and  approved  by  both  parties.  He 
was  an  outsider  of  importance  and  had  the  confidence  of  the 
clans  concerned.  He  arranged  the  terms  of  peace  : all  loot 
and  slaves  should  be  retained  by  the  conquerors ; but  all  the 
free  folk  captured  should  be  set  at  liberty.  This  go-between 
selected  a neutral  place  for  the  ceremony  of  blood-brotherhood, 
and  was  pledged  that  the  meeting  should  take  place  without  a 
renewal  of  hostilities  by  either  party. 

72 


MAKING  BLOOD-BROTHERHOOD 


All  the  preliminaries  having  been  settled  the  parties  met  at 
the  place  and  time  appointed  ; and  then  a stick  called  ndeko 
was  procured  and  carefully  scraped,  and  these  scrapings  were 
mixed  with  salt.  The  contracting  parties — the  head-man  of 
each  side — clasped  eaeh  other’s  right  hand  with  the  ndeko 
between  the  palms ; some  incisions  were  then  made  on  the 
arms  and  the  mixture  of  ndeko  scrapings  and  salt  was  rubbed 
on  the  cuts  ; each  then  put  his  mouth  to  the  incisions  on  the 
other’s  arm  and  sueked  for  a few  moments,  after  which  one 
of  the  contracting  parties  took  the  ndeko  stick  and  struck  the 
wrists  and  knees  of  the  other,  saying : “ If  ever  I break  this 
covenant  may  I be  cursed  by  having  my  nose  rot  off.”  ^ Then 
the  other  took  the  ndeko  stick,  and,  performing  the  same 
ceremony,  he  called  down  the  same  curse  on  himself  should  he 
ever  break  the  contract.  These  rites  were  accompanied  by  the 
drinking  of  much  sugar-cane  wine,  and  the  whole  ceremony 
was  called  tena  ndeko = to  cut  the  ndeko  stick. 

After  making  blood-brotherhood  between  the  head-men,  there 
was  enacted  another  performance  called  bakia  lolelembe  : a 
medicine  man  took  a palm  frond,  split  it  and  put  one-half 
of  the  frond  across  the  path  leading  from  Monsembe  to  the 
upper  towns — the  towns  of  the  contracting  parties.  This  was 
not  only  a sign  that  all  that  palaver  was  finished,  but  it  was  a 
fetish  having  power,  it  was  supposed,  to  punish  anyone  who 
broke  the  treaty.  It  was  firmly  believed  that  the  side  that 
renewed  that  quarrel  would  get  the  worst  of  it  by  wounds  and 
death.  Perhaps  this  is  the  history  of  many  a tribal  fight  in 
Africa — alarm,  attack,  defeat,  pursuit,  cannibal  feasts,  and  the 
making  of  peace  by  blood-brotherhood. 

Congo  boys  are  the  most  inquisitive  animals  that  I have  yet 
met  in  Africa.  Crocodiles,  when  boats  were  new  to  the  Congo, 
would  follow  them  for  hours  in  their  attempts  to  investigate 
the  strange  object ; goats  and  sheep  were  always  ready  to 

’ Probably  lupus.  There  were  a few  cases  of  this  disease,  and  it  was 
regarded  as  a punishment  for  faithlessness  in  observing  the  oath  of  blood- 
brotherhood. 


73 


INQUISITIVE  CONGO  BOYS 

poke  their  noses  at  new  things  that  came  within  their  purview, 
but  their  curiosity  was  quickly  satisfied.  Congo  boys  (and  in  a 
minor  degree  the  girls  also)  were  never  wearied  of  watching 
us  at  work,  following  us  about  to  see  what  we  would  do  next, 
and  asking  about  our  tools,  etc.,  and  why  we  did  this  or  that  in 
such  a way,  and  did  not  accomplish  the  same  result  by  some 
other  mode  of  procedure.  They  would  stand  about  our  table 
while  we  were  at  meals,  and  pass  critical  remarks  on  our  manner 
of  eating,  slyly  imitating  the  action  of  our  jaws  as  we  masticated 
our  food,  or  mimic  our  gestures  as  we  conversed  with  one 
another.  We  seemed  to  live,  move,  and  pass  our  existence  in 
the  full  glare  of  public  gaze  like  fish  in  a glass  tank. 

One  never-ending  source  of  delight  to  them  was  to  scan  our 
countenances  as  we  read.  They  noticed  every  alteration  of 
facial  expression  as  the  “ books  talked  to  us.”  If  we  burst  out 
laughing  at  some  witticism  in  our  reading  they  would  laugh 
heartily  in  sympathy  with  us,  and  would  poke  one  another, 
saying  : “ The  book  is  talking  some  funny  thing  to  them.” 
When  their  shyness  had  passed  away  they  would  ask  : “ What 
does  the  book  say  to  make  you  laugh  ? ” Occasionally  the  bit 
of  wit  came  within  the  scope  of  their  comprehension,  and  of 
our  knowledge  of  the  language,  and  they  would  enjoy  it  as 
much  as  we  did,  showing  they  had  a ready  wit  and  enjoyed  a 
hearty  laugh ; and  we  felt  encouraged,  for  there  is  some  hope 
for  a people  that  can  laugh  joyously  and  boisterously. 

At  times  they  would  creep  behind  us,  and  looking  earnestly 
at  the  open  page,  they  would  cock  their  ears  to  listen  intently 
for  any  sound,  and  seeing  nothing  but  a blurred  page,  and  hear- 
ing no  sounds,  they  would  insinuatingly  ask  : “ White  man, 
how  does  the  book  talk  to  you  ? and  can  you  make  it  talk  to 
us  ? ” We  would  then  explain  the  system  of  letters  and  syl- 
lables, etc.  ; but  would,  at  the  same  time,  express  a doubt  as 
to  their  ability  to  learn  to  read. 

“ Cannot  you  give  us  some  ‘ medicine  ’ to  make  us  under- 
stand the  ‘ book  ’ talk  ? ” they  would  pleadingly  ask  of  us. 

“ No,”  we  replied  ; “ there  is  no  ‘ medicine  ’ that  can  give 

74 


MEDICINE  AND  “BOOKS” 


you  such  wsdom.  You  must  learn  letter  by  letter,  and  of 
course  you  have  no  brains  for  sueh  work.  What  is  the  use  of 
wasting  time  in  teaching  you  ? ” 

If  we  had  exhibited  any  special  eagerness  to  teaeh  them, 
they  would  have  held  back  ; but  chaffing  them  and  pretending 
that  they  had  not  enough  brains  to  learn  had  the  desired  effect 
of  putting  them  on  their  mettle,  and  they  begged  us  to  start 
school  right  away.  We  showed  no  hurry  to  fall  in  with  their 
wishes,  and  this  only  piqued  them  and  made  them  more  de- 
sirous of  having  a school.  At  last  we  acceded  to  their  repeated 
requests,  and  told  them  that  on  the  day  that  followed  the  next 
“ rest-day  ” (i.e.  on  Monday  next),  we  would  begin  school  and 
hold  it  every  morning  for  five  days  a week. 

The  eventful  morning  dawned,  and  with  it  about  twenty 
lads  arrived  to  enter  upon  the  mysteries  of  the  white  man’s 
“ book.”  At  that  time  I was  busy  building  a suitable  house  in 
anticipation  of  my  wife’s  arrival,  so  my  colleague,  Mr.  Staple- 
ton,  took  charge  of  the  new  school.  His  room  was  the  school- 
house.  We  had  written  out  the  alphabet  in  large  letters, 
and  had  prepared  some  slips  from  which  they  might  copy. 
We  opened  a box  containing  some  slates  and  pencils.  The 
school-house  and  apparatus  were  in  keeping  with  the  scholars, 
but  the  latter  brought  with  them  a large  amount  of  enthusiasm 
and  determination,  so  what  was  lacking  in  school  furniture, 
and  in  the  attire  of  our  pupils,  was  made  up  in  the  willingness 
and  earnestness  of  the  scholars. 

The  adults  were  almost  as  greatly  excited  as  the  boys. 
They  watched  every  movement  of  the  teacher,  and  tried  to 
imitate  the  sounds  of  the  various  letters.  As  I passed  to  and 
fro  at  my  work  I could  see  the  door  and  windows  crowded 
by  the  throng  of  on-lookers,  and  could  hear  their  laughable 
attempts  at  learning.  Two  hours  at  this  kind  of  teaching 
thoroughly  exhausted  my  eolleague,  for  there  were  not  only 
twenty  sprightly  boys  to  look  after,  but  a crowd  of  men  and 
women  who  demanded  no  little  attention.  In  a week  or  two 
the  newness  of  the  school  wore  away,  fewer  adults  gathered 

75 


MENTAL  POWERS  OF  CONGO  BOYS 


around  the  doors  and  windows,  and  some  of  the  lads,  finding 
that  there  really  was  no  “ medieine  ” to  drink  imparting  to 
them  book  knowledge,  no  royal  road  to  learning,  but  that  it 
entailed  continuous  effort,  gave  up  coming,  and  by  the  end  of 
a fortnight  only  about  half  the  original  class  was  left — but  they 
were  worth  teaching,  and  they  persevered  until  they  became 
good  scholars  and  afterwards  teachers  of  others. 

During  nearly  thirty  years’  teaching  of  Congo  youths,  both 
on  the  Lower  and  Upper  River,  I have  noticed  that  up  to  the 
age  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  the  boys  and  girls — especially  the  boys 
— are  very  receptive,  and  are  easily  taught ; but  after  that 
age  comparatively  few  make  real  advance  in  learning.  By 
the  age  of  fourteen  they  have  arrived  at  puberty,  and  after 
that  they  have  to  make  a continuous  effort  to  retain  any  book 
knowledge  they  may  have  received.  This  may  be  due  in  some 
measure  to  their  thoughts  being  centred  on  other  matters,  as 
trade  journeys,  fishing,  and  hunting  on  their  own  account,  and 
later  to  building  their  houses,  looking  about  for  a wife,  and 
procuring  the  necessary  articles  for  paying  the  marriage  money, 
and  meeting  the  expenses  of  the  feasts,  etc. 

The  following  is  probably  a great  factor  in  causing  their 
mental  growth  to  stop  practically  at  the  above  age  : For 
generations  boys  on  arriving  at  the  age  of  fourteen  or  fifteen 
had  learned  all  their  fathers  had  to  teach  them  respecting 
fishing,  hunting,  wood-craft,  building,  paddling,  etc.  If  they 
showed  a special  aptitude  for  fishing,  hunting,  etc.,  they  followed 
their  “ bent  ” in  that  particular,  and  became  proficient  simply 
by  practice,  and  their  successes  were  generally  put  to  the  credit 
of  their  charms.  They  never  initiated  new  ways  of  building 
(until  after  the  arrival  of  the  white  man),  or  new  ways  of 
hunting  or  fishing,  etc.,  but  only  carried  on  those  modes  they 
had  gained  from  their  fathers,  and  which  were  mastered  by 
the  time  they  were  fifteen  years  old.  Thus  their  intelligence 
has  attained,  for  generations,  its  fullest  development  by  the 
above  age,  and  now  we  have  to  help  them  over  that  crucial 
stage.  In  some  cases  it  is  very  difficult,  but  in  other  eases 

76 


Photo  6_y]  \tht  Author 

Our  Boat  and  its  Crew 

This  boat — the  gift  of  a friend  at  Derby — wa?  used  in  itinerating  up  and  down  our  large  parish 
with  iis  two  hundred  miles  of  river  frontage. 


Photo  by-\  \the  Author 

A Room  in  the  Monsembe  House 

The  author  s study  and^  his  wife  s drawing-  and  reception-room.  The  walls  are  made  of  bamboo>, 
scraped  and  varnished,  and  all  the  furniture,  except  the  chairs,  was  made  on  the  spot. 


4 


NATIVE  VIEW  OF  WOMEN 


we  can  do  so  ; and  in  such  there  is  no  limit  to  the  intellectual 
progress  they  may  make.  In  many  instances  they  have  mas- 
tered a good  working  knowledge  of  French,  Portuguese,  or 
English,  both  spoken  and  written,  and  as  larger  opportunities 
are  given,  a large  number  of  youths  will  make  such  mental 
progress  as  will  encourage  their  friends  and  teachers. 

The  native  in  his  raw  state  gained  such  an  acquaintance  with 
the  languages  of  neighbouring  tribes  as  to  be  able  to  communi- 
cate freely  with  them ; and  in  many  of  their  folk-lore  stories 
there  are  sentences  taken  from  other  languages  and  scattered 
through  the  tales  like  French  phrases  in  a fashionable  novel. 
We  have  found,  as  a rule,  that  lads  who  came  to  us  at  fourteen 
or  fifteen  made  very  slow  progress  in  our  schools,  and  seldom 
reached  the  higher  classes.  They  lost  heart  at  their  difficulties, 
and  left  school — there  were  exceptions,  but  such  as  only  go  to 
prove  the  rule.  I think  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  prove  that 
English  lads  at  the  age  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  need  constant 
spurring  by  teacher,  father,  or  guardian,  or  a much  larger  pro- 
portion of  them  would  lose  the  knowledge  they  had  acquired 
in  their  schools. 

When  I had  almost  finished  building  the  three-room  bunga- 
low in  which  I hoped  to  spend  many  years  with  my  devoted- 
wife,  I began  to  build  a kitchen,  and  the  natives,  seeing  a smaller 
house  being  built  in  proximity  to  the  larger  one,  said  : “ That 
is  where  the  white  man  is  going  to  put  his  wife,  while  he  will, 
of  course,  live  in  the  large  house.” 

“ No,”  we  answered  ; “ that  is  the  cook-house.  My  wife 
will  live  here  in  this  house  when  she  arrives,” 

“ You  would  not  be  so  foolish,  white  man,”  they  inquired, 
“ as  to  put  a woman  in  this  fine  house  ? You  will  send  her  to 
live  in  that  small  one,  will  you  not  ? ” And  there  was  a certain 
amount  of  anxiety  in  their  tones  rather  indicative  of  their 
fear  that  I was  going  to  upset  the  proper  order  of  domestic 
life  by  allowing  a woman  to  live  on  equality  with  myself. 

They  would  scarcely  believe  me  until  they  saw  the  stove 
fixed  in  the  cook-house,  and  my  wife  installed  with  me  on  equal 

77 


NATIVE  VIEW  OF  WOMEN 


terms  in  what  they  called  my  “ fine  house,”  which  was  only  a 
three-roomed  cottage  with  a verandah  on  two  sides. 

The  Boloki’s  regard  for  women  was  a strange  contradiction. 
I have  seen  them  walking — man  and  wife — with  their  arms 
around  each  other’s  waist,  as  though  they  were  a couple  of 
English  lovers  crossing  a common  in  the  twilight.  I never 
saw  natives  exhibit  so  much  fondling  and  affection  for  each 
other  as  was  shown  among  those  erstwhile  cannibals.  Ninety 
per  cent  of  their  quarrels  were  about  women,  for  every  man 
who  had  one  or  more  wives  bitterly  resented  any  interference 
with  his  sole  proprietorship  in  them.  They  would  fondle 
their  women,  yet  treat  them  contemptuously  as  inferiors  ; they 
would  fight  to  assert  their  rights  of  ownership  in  them,  yet 
regard  them  as  so  greatly  beneath  them  as  to  send  them  to 
eat  their  food  by  themselves  out  of  sight ; and  they  would 
slave  to  collect  sufficient  goods  to  pay  the  marriage  money  for 
their  free  wives,  or  to  procure  the  price  of  their  slave  wives, 
yet  the  former  they  would  thrash  unmercifully,  and  the  latter, 
for  a whim  or  in  a fit  of  temper,  they  would  murder  and  fling 
the  corpse  into  the  river,  or  invite  their  neighbours  to  feast 
with  them  on  the  body. 


78 


CHAPTER  V 


ARTS  AND  CRAFTS  AND  NATIVE 
INDUSTRY 

A Congo  lad  in  England — People  doing  no  work — Erroneous  views — A con- 
demnation of  “ niggers” — Its  answer — White  employers  of  black  labour — 
Allowances  to  be  made — Leather-work — String  making — Bark  cloth — 
Basket-work — Pottery — Dyeing  and  painting — Working  in  metal — 
Aptitude  for  learning  handicrafts. 

Many  years  ago  I brought  a native  lad  of  quick  in- 
telligence from  the  wilds  of  Congo  to  my  home  in 
London.  He  noticed  the  people  crowding  the  pave- 
ments, filling  the  tram-cars,  omnibuses,  and  trains  ; and  his 
frequent  question  was  : “ How  do  all  these  people  live,  for 
they  seem  only  to  ride  and  walk  about  and  do  no  work  ? ” 
Later  he  observed  that  all  the  articles  in  the  various  windows 
of  the  different  tradespeople  had  prices  marked  on  them,  and 
that  money  was  necessary  with  which  to  buy  them.  He  had 
tried  to  procure  things  himself  from  the  shops,  and  had  learned 
by  sad  experience  that  not  only  was  money  needful  for  that 
purpose,  but  the  right  amount  was  requisite  before  he  could 
become  the  happy  possessor  of  the  coveted  article  so  luringly 
displayed  in  the  window  ; and  then  his  question  was  : “ How 
do  the  people  get  the  money  with  which  to  buy  all  those 
things  ? ” 

“ They  have  to  work  for  their  money,”  I replied.  “ Some 
have  to  work  hard  for  very  little  money,  others  earn  more  by 
less  laborious  work,  and  others  again  are  fortunate  enough  to 
have  had  fathers  who  worked  hard  and  have  left  their 


79 


ERRONEOUS  VIEWS 

sons  and  daughters  so  rich  that  they  have  no  need  to 
work.” 

“ Work  hard  ! ” he  exclaimed  incredulously.  “ Why,  they 
only  ride,  or  walk  about  the  streets,  or  sit  in  shops  eating  and 
drinking.  I do  not  see  them  at  work.” 

I fear  that  if  that  lad  had  returned  to  his  country  then,  he 
would  have  carried  with  him  a very  poor  idea  of  white  folk, 
and  would  have  regarded  us  as  a lazy  lot  who  only  walked 
or  rode  about  the  streets,  or  sat  eating  and  drinking  in  shops. 
It  took  many  a long  talk  to  explain  our  system,  and  when  later 
I had  the  opportunity  of  taking  him  behind  the  scenes  into 
factories,  and  over  buildings  in  the  course  of  erection,  he  modi- 
fied his  views  and  came  to  understand  that  the  white  man 
works.  At  the  back  of  his  mind  was  the  idea,  very  prevalent 
among  some  of  the  Congo  tribes,  that  all  our  articles  of  barter 
are  manufactured  by  the  blacks,  whose  dead  bodies  we  have 
bought  in  Africa  and  sent  to  Mputu  (countries  of  the  white 
people),  where  by  the  wonderful  magic  of  the  white  men  the 
bodies  are  resurrected,  and  they  are  now  doing  our  work  for 
us  so  that  we  can  walk  and  ride  about  with  nothing  whatever 
to  do.  It  is  the  ignorance  of  one  people  about  another  that 
causes  such  misunderstandings,  prejudices,  and  erroneous  judg- 
ments. The  lad  would  never  have  thought  of  charging  the 
traders,  the  missionaries,  or  Government  officials  with  laziness, 
for  he  saw  and  understood  their  work  ; but  these  white  folk 
who  crowded  the  streets,  filled  the  vehicles  and  the  shops,  what 
work  did  they  do  ? He  could  not  see  it,  and  his  superficial 
and  mistaken  opinion  was  that  they  were  an  indolent  lot  of  folk. 

Sitting  at  tea  with  me  one  day  at  Monsembe  was  the  captain 
of  a State  steamer.  A propos  of  nothing  in  particular,  he 
exclaimed  : “ What  lazy  fellows  these  niggers  are  ! ” 

“ To  whom  are  you  specially  referring  ? ” I inquired  of  him. 
“ Well,”  he  said,  “ before  coming  to  your  house  to  tea  this 
afternoon  I took  a walk  through  the  town  and  saw  some  men 
lounging  about  talking,  and  others  asleep  under  the  shade  of 
some  plantain  and  fig  trees.” 


80 


CONDEMNATION  OF  “NIGGERS” 


“ Oh,  yes,”  I replied ; “ I know  them  very  well.  Some  of 
them  have  been  for  several  weeks  over  on  the  islands,  living  in 
rough  shanties,  fishing  all  day  and  smoke-drying  their  fish  over 
their  fires  during  the  evenings.  They  returned  this  morning 
after  their  long  spell  on  the  islands,  and  they  are  resting  for  a 
few  days  before  starting  on  another  fishing  expedition.  Another 
lot  of  men  came  in  yesterday  with  that  heavy  canoe  in  the 
rough  that  you  saw  on  the  beach.  They  were  away  some  weeks 
felling  a huge  tree,  hollowing  it  out,  and  shaping  it  in  the  rough 
with  their  little  axes — a laborious  job.  Yesterday  they  floated 
it  home,  and  are  now  enjoying  a well-earned  rest  before  finishing 
the  canoe  and  selling  it.  What  you  saw  was  not  an  exhibition 
of  laziness,  but  a relaxation  after  prolonged  arduous  work.” 
Just  then  a strongly-formed,  well-built  young  man  went  past 
the  house.  “ There,  do  you  see  him  ? ” asked  my  visitor  ; “ I 
saw  him  asleep  in  his  hammock- chair.” 

“ Yes,  I know  him,”  was  my  reply  ; “ he  is  one  of  the  head- 
men of  this  district.  His  father  was  wealthy  as  natives  go  in 
this  part,  and  left  him  enough  to  give  him  the  equivalent  of 
£300  a year  in  your  money.  Would  you  work  if  you  had  £300 
a year  coming  in  ? ” 

“ By  Jove,  no  ! ” he  quickly  replied,  slapping  his  knee  at 
the  very  idea  of  possessing  £300  a year  without  working  for 
it.  “ I would  have  a nice  little  house  with  a fine  garden,  and 
I would  sit  smoking  all  day  in  the  midst  of  my  flowers.” 

“ Just  so  ! ! ! ” was  my  comment. 

The  natives  of  Africa  live  in  an  enervating  climate,  with 
a temperature  frequently  nearer  95°  in  the  shade  than  70°. 
They  dwell  in  the  midst  of  a prolific  nature  that  supplies  their 
vegetable  foods  with  very  little  exertion,  and  in  such  environ- 
ments that  their  needs  are  few  and  easily  met.  In  their  natural 
state  there  are  both  lazy  and  industrious  folk  as  in  other 
countries. 

When  the  white  man  arrives  he  engages  his  native  workman, 
at  so  much  per  month,  for  twelve,  eighteen,  or  twenty-four 
months.  For  the  first  time  in  his  life  the  native  has  to  work 


F 


81 


ITS  ANSWER 


regular  hours,  starting  and  leaving  off  to  the  deep  notes  of  a 
bell,  or  the  tap,  tap  of  a drum.  At  first  the  experience  is  novel, 
and  he  is  most  willing  and  hard-working  ; but  pay-day  is  a long 
way  off,  his  enthusiasm  eools  as  the  novelty  passes  away,  and 
then  the  master  will  have  to  look  vigilantly  and  constantly 
after  his  hired  workman.  Give  him  piece-work  and  pay  him 
by  results  and  you  will  see  prodigies  of  labour,  for  every  pay- 
ment made  on  those  lines  is  an  incentive  to  further  effort. 
The  native  as  keenly  enjoys  money  and  what  money  brings  in 
extra  food,  comforts,  and  prestige  as  the  white  man,  and  is  as 
willing  to  work  for  them. 

The  employer  of  labour  in  Africa  is  the  white  man,  and  he 
desires  to  get  as  much  work  as  he  can  for  his  money,  and  the 
employee  tries  to  give  as  little  of  his  energy  and  strength  as  he 
can  for  the  pay  he  is  to  reeeive  twelve,  eighteen,  or  twenty-four 
months  hence,  consequently  there  is  a clash  of  interests  ; and 
while  the  white  man  has  the  opportunity,  among  his  friends,  of 
talking  loudly  about  the  “ lazy  niggers,”  let  him  sit  with  the 
natives  round  the  fire  one  evening,  and  he  may  be  surprised  to 
learn  that  there  is  another  point  of  view,  and  that  not  over- 
flattering to  his  fairness  as  a master. 

I have  frequently  asked  employers  of  labour  in  England 
whether  they  were  satisfied  with  the  work  done  for  them  by 
their  day  labourers,  and  while  they  readily  allowed  for  excep- 
tions, yet  they  spoke  strongly  of  such  men  as  “ doing  as  little 
as  possible  for  their  pay.”  Every  branch  of  work  that  it  is 
possible  to  give  out  as  piece-work  is  nowadays  so  arranged. 
Why  ? The  masters  are  satisfied,  for  they  get  done  that  for 
whieh  they  pay  ; the  men  are  better  pleased,  for  they  receive 
what  they  earn,  and  the  quiekest  and  most  industrious  man 
gains  the  largest  pay,  and  his  superior  energy  is  not  balanced 
against  the  laziest  man  in  the  shop.  Let  us  do  justice  to  the 
blaek  man.  He  is  the  only  one  who  in  such  a climate  can  work 
long  hours  at  a time,  and  for  months  at  a stretch.  All  the  evi- 
dences of  civilization  on  the  Congo  are  the  results  of  his  energy 
and  endurance  directed  by  his  white  master.  He  is,  however, 

82 


ALLOWANCES  TO  BE  MADE 


no  fonder  of  work  than  the  average  white  man  ; but  like  the 
latter  he  is  willing  to  labour  to  inerease  his  comforts  in  the 
house,  his  prestige  in  the  village,  and  to  meet  his  obligations  as 
a man,  a husband,  and  a father,  for  each  relationship  makes 
its  own  demands  on  his  resources. 

In  1890  we  opened  our  Mission  station  at  Monsembe,  but 
previous  to  our  arrival  the  natives  had  not  had  sufficient  inter- 
course with  white  people  either  to  increase  their  arts  and 
industries  or  even  to  modify  them  by  the  introduction  of  new 
methods  or  new  tools.  The  natives  then  were  as  they  had  been 
for  many  a generation,  and  their  manufactures  were  limited  by 
the  materials  at  their  disposal.  In  judging  of  the  merits  or 
demerits  of  the  manufactures  of  a tribe,  it  is  necessary  to  take 
into  consideration  the  materials  to  be  obtained  in  their  district 
and  the  tools  with  which  they  are  compelled,  by  force  of 
circumstances,  to  do  their  work.  Suppose  the  Lancashire  people 
were  restricted  in  their  manufactures  to  such  material  as  they 
could  obtain  from  the  surface  of  their  county,  and  the  small 
supplies  that  filtered  through  to  them  from  the  adjacent 
counties  by  laborious  and  costly  transport  over  the  hills,  or 
by  canoes  on  their  rushing  streams,  we  should  hear  nothing  of 
the  cotton  mills,  the  weaving,  the  iron  works,  etc.,  of  that 
industrious  and  hardy  folk.  It  is  what  has  been  brought  into 
the  county,  what  has  been  dug  from  the  bowels  of  its  land,  and 
the  machinery  and  tools  that  have  been  imported  into  it  that 
have  given  Lancashire  the  place  it  rightly  holds  in  the  commer- 
cial and  industrial  world.  And  what  has  been  written  of 
Lancashire  can  also  be  said  of  many  another  county  in  Great 
Britain,  and  should  be  recognized  when  judging  of  the  merits 
or  demerits  of  the  arts  and  crafts  of  an  African  tribe. 

Before  the  arrival  of  white  men  at  Monsembe  it  was  the 
practice  of  the  natives  to  ornament  their  saucepans  with  a 
herring-bone  pattern  and  with  bands  ; their  knives  and  spears 
with  parallel  incised  lines,  and  with  herring-bone  pattern ; 
their  shields  being  made  of  basket-work  material  had  often  a 
border  of  lozenge  pattern  round  the  edge.  The  blades  of  paddles 

83 


LEATHER-WORK 


had  parallel  incised  lines,  and  their  canoes  had  the  same  kind 
of  lines  along  the  outer  top  edge.  Handles  of  knives  and  hafts 
of  spears  were  made  in  various  shapes,  and  studded  vith  brass 
nails,  or  bound  round  with  brass  ribbon.  I never  saw  any 
drawings  until  I had  been  there  a considerable  time,  and  then 
they  took  to  sketching  on  the  fronts  of  their  houses,  and  on 
letters  they  sent  to  each  other.  These  sketches  were  of  steamers, 
houses,  and  people.  The  drawings  were  done  in  charcoal,  and 
when  outlining  a figure  the  cock’s-comb  tattoo  on  the  forehead 
was  usually  much  exaggerated.  They  had  no  idea  of  per- 
spective, but  a sense  of  humour  was  often  exhibited  when 
“ taking  off  ” a person. 

The  hides  and  skins  of  animals  were  employed  for  various 
purposes.  The  skin  of  the  hippopotamus  was  used  for  cuirasses  ; 
that  of  the  buffalo,  antelope,  goat,  and  sheep  for  belts,  basket- 
straps,  and  knife  sheaths  ; that  of  the  monkey,  sygale,  monitor, 
mongoose  and  civet  cat  for  hats,  belts,  small  sheaths,  and 
ornamental  aprons,  or  for  containing  charms  ; that  of  the  boa 
constrictor  and  other  large  snakes  for  belts,  sheaths,  and  drum 
heads.  The  skin  was  either  stretched  and  pinned  by  wooden 
pegs  on  the  ground,  or  laced  on  a frame.  The  bits  of  flesh 
were  cut  off,  some  wood  ash  rubbed  on,  and  then  it  was  left 
to  dry  in  the  sun.  If  a soft,  flexible  skin  was  desired,  oil  was 
rubbed  into  the  skin  after  it  was  thoroughly  dry.  It  was  not 
the  custom  to  take  the  hair  off  any  of  the  skins.  Leopard  skins 
were  prepared  by  the  above  mode,  and  were  usually  preserved 
whole  as  mats  upon  which  chiefs  and  head-men  sat. 

If  the  owner  of  an  animal  wished  to  sell  the  flesh  in  open 
market  the  skin  was  not  taken  off,  but  the  animal  was  so  cut 
up  that  a piece  of  skin  was  left  on  each  portion.  The  buyer 
could  then  see  the  kind  of  animal  flesh  offered  for  sale,  and 
would  know  for  a certainty  whether  it  was  tabooed  to  him  or 
not.  Goats,  sheep,  and  dogs  were  thus  cut  up  and  hawked  for 
sale  through  the  villages.  This  custom  of  cutting  up  the  animals 
so  that  the  requirements  of  taboo  might  be  met  accounts^for 
the  destruction  of  a large  number  of  skins  in  Africa  ; but  when 

84 


STRING  MAKING 


a party  of  hunters  captured  an  antelope  it  was  skinned,  or  when 
a family  killed  a goat  or  sheep  and  did  not  wish  to  sell  any  of  it, 
the  animal  was  skinned  whole,  and  the  hide  was  preserved  and 
utilized.  Although  the  skin  of  the  electric  fish  (nina)  is  more  than 
half  an  inch  thick,  I never  saw  it  used  for  any  purpose ; in  fact, 
the  people  would  not  even  eat  the  flesh.  I once  tried  to  dry  the 
skin  in  the  hot,  strong  sun,  but  it  became  putrid  before  the  sun 
had  any  effect  on  it. 

There  was  a great  demand  for  string,  and  it  was  met  in  the 
following  way : The  bark  of  a water-plant,  called  by  the 
natives  munkungi,  was  manufactured  into  rope  and  string. 
The  withes  were  cut  into  lengths  from  3 to  4 feet  long 
and  carried  into  the  town,  the  bark  was  then  peeled  off — it 
strips  easily — carefully  scraped  on  both  sides  by  running  it 
between  the  edge  of  a knife  and  a board,  and  then  spread  in 
the  sun  to  dry.  The  strips  were  taken  in  the  hand,  length  by 
length,  and  spun  by  twisting  them  between  the  palm  of  the  hand 
and  the  thigh  of  the  operator.  The  different  threads  were  then 
plaited  into  a string,  and  these  were  twisted  together  into  cords 
three-eighths  of  an  inch  in  diameter.  Sometimes  the  palm-frond 
fibres  were  employed  for  making  the  finer  strings  and  twine. 

The  strong  cords  were  used  for  tying  up  their  canoes  and 
bundles ; and  also  plaited  into  mats  about  3 feet  long  by 
1 foot  to  1 foot  6 inches  wide,  for  crushing  the  sugar-cane 
fibre  when  making  sugar-cane  wine.  The  better-made  stringsv 
and  twines  were  made  into  shoulder-bags  or  satchels,  and  also 
into  fighting-belts.  These  belts  were  from  9 to  12  feet  long, 
and  about  4 or  5 inches  wide,  and  were  generally  well 
smeared  with  pipe  clay ; they  were  wound  round  the 
abdomen  just  before  a fight,  and  afforded  a good  protection 
against  spear-thrusts.  The  string  was  wound  on  a wooden 
spool,  and  the  fish-nets,  of  all  sizes  and  shapes,  were  made  by 
the  ordinary  process  of  netting,  the  mesh  varying  according 
to  the  size  and  purpose  of  the  net. 

For  some  years  after  we  arrived  at  Monsembe  the  old  folk 
wore  bark  cloth.  A strip  of  bark  18  inches  long  by  5 or 

86 


BARK  CLOTH 


6 inches  wide,  and  ij  inches  thick  was  taken  from  the 
tree — the  wild  fig  tree,  or  from  a tree  called  ngumbu.  The 
strip  of  bark  was  soaked  in  water  for  a time,  and  then  beaten 
with  an  ivory  mallet  as  it  lay  across  the  palm  of  the  hand.  The 
strip  of  bark  gradually  widened  to  18  inches,  and  length- 
ened to  3 or  4 feet.  Some  cloths  were  very  evenly  beaten. 


This  is  one  of  about  fifteen  fringes  that  a woman  wears  tied 
round  her  waist.  The  more  chic  the  wearer  the  shorter  the 
fringes  are  cut.  They  are  made  from  scraped  palm  leaves. 


SO  that  no  holes  appeared  ; others  were  not  so  well  done,  and 
holes  and  uneven  places  showed  in  the  finished  cloth.  Likuta 
was  the  name  given  to  the  finished  cloth.  I never  saw  any 
weaving  among  these  Boloki  folk,  but  they  told  me  of  an 
ancient  native-made  cloth  called  pelele ; but  I never  saw  a 
specimen  of  it,  and  cannot  speak  of  its  texture. 

Not  many  baskets  were  made  by  the  Boloki  folk,  but  the 
most  common  was  a wedge-shaped  basket  of  medium  texture, 

86 


POTTERY 


and  with  a capacity  of  about  half  a bushel,  used  for  carrying 
home  farm  produce.  This  was  made  of  split  cane,  of  the  same 
thickness  and  style  as  the  seat  of  a cane  chair.  It  was  a large 
oval  at  the  mouth  running  down  to  a small  oval  at  the  bottom, 
and  was  carried  on  the  back  either  by  a single  strap  across  the 
chest  or  forehead,  or  by  two  small  loops  through  which  the  arms 
were  passed.  For  soaking  their  cassava  roots  long  conical 
baskets  were  used  with  lids  to  tie  down.  Oeeasionally  I saw  their 
large  sugar-cane  wine-pots  covered  with  stout  basket-work, 
and  strong  handles  plaited  on  to  them.  Other  kinds  of  baskets 
found  amongst  this  tribe  were  made  by  slaves  captured  or 
bought  from  neighbouring  districts ; and  their  shields  of 
basket-Avork  were,  I believe,  bought  ready-made  from  other 
tribes.  I never  saw  one  in  the  making.  A very  large  variety 
of  fish  traps  and  baskets  Avere  made  by  these  folk.  Some  were 
over  6 feet  in  diameter  and  long  in  proportion,  Avhile  others 
were  small  enough  for  a child  to  handle.  They  were  very 
dexterous  in  tAvisting  canes  into  A'arious  shapes  for  their 
basket-work,  and  in  making  mats  from  papyrus. 

The  pottery  made  by  the  Boloki  women  divides  itself  easily 
into  three  kinds  : 1.  Saucepans  of  various  sizes  but  only  one 
shape.  2.  Wine-pots  from  6 inches  high  to  2 and  3 feet 
high  and  broad  in  proportion.  3.^  Firepans  or  hearths  for 
carrying  fire  in  their  canoes  Avhen  travelling.  These  latter  had 
three  prongs  overhanging  the  top  of  the  saucepan,  upon  which 
an  ordinary  cooking-pot  could  be  placed,  and  allow  of  a free 
passage  of  air  to  the  fire. 

They  had  no  knoAvledge  of  a wheel,  but  built  up  their  pottery 
on  a base  by  rolling  the  clay  between  the  palms  of  the  hands 
into  long  pencils  about  the  size  of  a finger,  and  then  Avelding 
the  strip  to  the  base  and  flattening  it  out  AAdth  the  fingers  as 
they  worked  round  the  pot.  The  only  decorations  I have  seen 
on  their  pottery  are  “ chevrons  ” and  “ herring-bone.” 

’ No.  1 was  called  loheki.  No.  2 mobako,  or  a small  size  nduhu.  No.  3 
was  named  lokenge.  There  were  many  other  names,  but  they  only  differ- 
entiated the  sizes,  and  also  showed  whether  they  were  well  or  badly  made,  etc. 

87 


IRON  SMELTING 


In  baking  their  pottery  no  kilns  were  used,  but  firewood  was 
laid  carefully  on  the  ground,  and  the  pots  arranged  on  the  top, 
and  then  small  firewood,  tmgs,  etc.,  were  throwm  over  the 
whole  pile  and  the  fire  lighted. 

On  the  Mobangi  River  I saw  some  varnishing  done.  When 
the  pots  were  sufficiently  baked,  and  while  still  very  hot,  they 
were  rubbed  over  with  lumps  of  gum  copal.  Pots  treated  in 
this  way  were  suitable  for  drinking- vessels,  or  as  dishes  in  which 
to  place  food  ; but  they  were  unsuitable  for  cooking  purposes, 
for  directly  the  pot  got  hot  the  gum  copal  caught  fire.  Some, 
before  being  rubbed  over  with  the  gum  copal, were  smeared  with 
arnotto  dye,  and  thus  showed  red  through  the  glazing. 

Iron  ore  was  imported  from  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Lulanga 
River,  and  smelted  in  native  crucibles.  The  furnace  was  a 
hole  about  18  inches  deep,  about  15  inches  in  diameter  at  the 
top,  and  8 to  10  inches  at  the  bottom.  Charcoal  made  from 
hard  woods  was  the  heating  medium.  The  smelting  pot  with 
the  ore  was  put  in  the  middle  of  the  furnace,  and  the  blast  was 
furnished  by  native  bellows  and  conducted  to  the  heart  of  the 
furnace  by  a funnel-shaped  tube  of  burnt  clay.  The  bellows 
were  cut  out  of  a solid  block  of  wood.  There  were  two  holes, 
each  from  8 to  12  inches  in  diameter,  which  opened  below  into 
a common  wooden  tube  whieh  fitted  into  the  above-mentioned 
clay  funnel.  Over  each  of  the  holes  a soft  skin  was  securely 
tied,  and  to  the  centre  of  each  skin  was  fixed  a stick  about 
3 feet  6 inches  long.  The  operator  worked  the  sticks  up  and 
down  alternately,  and  the  more  vigorously  he  worked  the  more 
powerful  the  blast. 

The  native  blacksmith  made  hoes  and  axes ; knives  of 
various  shapes  and  sizes ; spear-heads  of  different  kinds, 
barbed  for  fishing-spears,  small-bladed  ones  for  fighting,  or 
broad-bladed  fancy  spears  for  purposes  of  show  when  visiting 
friends  and  neighbours.  He  also  fashioned  large  hooks  for 
catching  crocodiles,  the  razors  for  shaving  the  head  or  face, 
lances  for  killing  hippopotami,  knives  for  household  use, 
gouges  and  chisels  for  canoe-making,  and  piercers  for  mat- 

88 


A wheel  is  unknown,  but  ihe  pottery  is  generally  very  perfect  in  shape.  The  pots  are  baked,  and  sometimes  glazed  with  gum  copal.  Those  with 
three  prongs  are  u>ed  for  cooking  while  travelling  in  a canoe.  The  saucepan  of  food  is*  supported  on  the  three  prongs,  and  small  hrewood  is  put  in 
the  openings. 


WORKING  IN  METAL 

making.  Unfortunately  the  introduction  of  European  knives, 
hoes,  and  axes  has  ruined  this  native  industry. 

For  some  time  after  we  settled  at  Monsembe  the  blacksmith 
would  buy  up  the  iron  bands  from  our  bales  and  boxes,  and 
work  them  up  into  hoes,  knives,  axes,  and  spear-heads.  The 
anvil  was  a block  of  hard  wood,  the  hammer  was  a bar  of  iron 
about  8 or  10  inches  long,  and  inches  square.  They  had  no 
pincers,  but  when  the  piece  of  iron  was  too  short  to  hold  while 
working  it  they  made  a wooden  handle  for  it,  whieh  they  slipped 
on  and  off  as  required.  They  knew  the  proeess  for  making  steel, 
and  could  put  a very  fine  edge  on  their  razors,  spears,  and 
knives. 

Large  brass  rings  for  the  neck  were  made  in  the  following 
way  : The  potato-like  substanee  of  the  plantain  root  was  cut 
into  shape  of  the  desired  circumference  and  thickness  ; this 
model  was  surrounded  with  well-kneaded  clay,  a funnel-shaped 
opening  being  made  to  let  off  steam,  to  clear  out  the  eharred 
fibre  of  the  plantain  root,  and  to  pour  in  the  molten  metal. 
This  mould,  when  completed,  was  baked  in  the  fire,  and  as  it 
baked  the  plantain-root  model  inside  was  burnt ; the  ashes 
were  eleared  out  and  the  liquid  brass  poured  in.  When  cool, 
the  mould  was  broken  and  the  brass  ring  was  well  polished  by 
scraping  and  rubbing,  and  “ herring-bone,”  and  “ lozenge  ” 
patterns  were  cut  on  it. 

Small  rings  were  made  for  the  legs  and  wrists.  A ring  was 
put  on  each  leg,  resting  on  the  ankles  ; a year  or  so  later 
another  pair  of  rings  was  added  to  the  first  pair,  and  so  on, 
until  the  rings  almost  reached  the  knees.  By  gradually  adding 
ring  to  ring  the  wearer  became  used  to  the  weight,  and  the 
ankles  became  corneous.  I once  took  more  than  a dozen  rings 
from  the  legs  of  a woman,  weighing  60  lbs.  in  all — 30  lbs.  of 
brass  on  each  leg.  When  these  heavy  rings  had  been  removed 
the  woman  seemed  top-heavy  ; her  legs  were  now  so  light  that 
apparently  she  had  no  control  over  them,  and  she  crossed  our 
enclosure  like  a drunken  person.  I have  seen  solid  brass  neck- 
lets weighing  from  20  to  28  lbs.  each.  On  one  occasion,  while 

89 


MAKING  SPIRAL  LEGLETS 

chatting  with  a chief,  I asked  him  if  he  buried  the  brass  rings 
when  his  wives  died,  and  he  at  once  replied  : “ No.” 

“ How  do  you  remove  such  heavy,  strong  rings  from  the 
neck  of  a dead  woman  ? ” was  my  next  question. 

He  did  not  reply  in  words,  but  he  ran  his  finger  round  his 
own  neck,  indicating  that  under  such  circumstances  they  cut 
off  the  head  in  order  to  remove  the  rings. 

Long  spiral  leg  rings  were  made  in  the  following  manner : 
A bamboo,  from  12  to  15  feet  long,  was  split  (bamboo,  Raphia 
vinifera,  in  which  there  are  no  nodes).  The  pith,  to  the  de- 
sired depth  and  width,  was  taken  out  of  one  half  and  the 
molten  brass  ^ was  poured  along  this  channel.  This  gave  the 
operator  a long  brass  rod  about  the  thickness  of  the  index 
finger,  and  this  rod  was  carefully  beaten  round,  scraped,  and 
polished  ; and  starting  from  the  ankle  it  was  wound  round 
and  round  the  leg  nearly  up  to  the  knee,  each  circumference 
of  the  spiral  being  made  a little  larger  than  the  one  immediately 
below  it.  At  the  bottom  the  leglet  impinged  on  the  ankle, 
which  bore  the  whole  weight ; but  at  the  top  it  had  2 or  3 
inches’  play  about  the  calf  of  the  leg.  Brass  ribbon  was  made 
by  beating  out  the  brass  rods  to  the  required  width,  and  this 
ribbon  was  used  for  ornamenting  spear  and  knife  handles,  the 
hafts  of  paddles,  and  knife  sheaths. 

The  social  position  of  a smith  among  the  natives  was  very 
high,  and  he  was  regarded  with  as  much  respect  as  a profes- 
sional man  is  in  Europe.  The  natives  thought  that  the  smith 
was  not  only  wise  and  skilful,  but  that  he  practised  witchcraft 
in  order  to  perform  his  work  properly.  No  one  was  allowed 
to  step  over  a smith’s  furnace,  nor  blow  it  with  his  mouth,  nor 
spit  into  it,  as  either  of  these  actions  would  pollute  the  fire, 
and  thus  cause  bad  workmanship.  Any  person  polluting  the 
fire  would  have  to  compensate  the  smith  by  the  payment  of  a 
heavy  fine.  A smith  taught  his  son  or  his  nephew  the  trade, 
but  would  not  take  an  apprentice  on  any  consideration.  He 

* Copper  (dikulu)  was  known,  but  I never  saw  any  of  it  worked,  and  only 
very  little  worn  as  ornaments. 


90 


A Native  Woman  of  Wealth 

She  has  highly«prized  beads  across  her  chest,  a brass  chain  around  her  waist  from  which  dangles 
a large  brass  bell,  numerous  brass  rings  round  her  arms,  and  brass  rings  on  her  big  toes.  On  her 
legs  she  has  spiral  brass  rings. 


MANUFACTURING  SALT 


was  always  kno^vn  by  the  name  of  his  trade,  and  was  conse- 
quently called  moiuli=ih.e  one  who  tula,  or  works  in  iron. 

How  did  the  smith  procure  his  brass  for  the  making  of  rings, 
etc.  ? The  currency  of  the  country  was  the  brass  rod,  and  the 
rods  were  also  used  for  their  brass-work.  The  brass-worker 
would  collect  as  many  rods  as  possible,  and  cut  from  half  an 
inch  to  one  inch  off  each  rod,  and  thus  get  his  material  for 
nothing. 

Before,  and  for  some  time  after,  the  arrival  of  white  men 
salt^  was  made  by  the  natives  burning  two  different  kinds  of 
vegetation.  (1)  The  thick,  succulent  stems  of  a grass  ^ that 
grew  in  the  water  along  the  banks  of  the  river.  This  was  cut 
in  large  quantities  and  heaped  along  the  bank  until  dry,  when 
it  was  carried  to  the  town.  (2)  It  was  also  made  from  a small 
plant  from  4 to  5 inches  in  diameter,  with  thickish  leaves,  no 
stem,  rootlets  coming  straight  from  the  leaves,  with  the  leaves 
arranged  like  a rosette.  This  plant  floats  on  the  river  in  large 
quantities,  being  torn  from  the  banks  by  every  storm  that 
ruffles  the  river.  The  process  of  manufacturing  salt  with  either 
the  plants  'or  the  grass  was  the  same.  A large  quantity,  say 
of  the  succulent  grass,  or  grass  and  plants  mixed,  was  collected 
on  the  bank,  turned  over  from  time  to  time  until  thoroughly 
dry ; then  it  was  carried  to  the  town,  heaped  up,  and  burnt 
to  ashes.  A large  funnel  was  made  of  leaves,  folded  and 
plaited  together,  and  suspended  from  a stick.  Into  this  funnel 
some  ashes  were  put  and  water  poured  on  them.  The  water 
dissolved  the  greater  part  of  the  ashes  and  percolated  gently 
through  the  leaves  into  a shallow  saucepan,  where  the  moisture 
evaporated,  leaving  behind  a dirty  white  granulated  substance 
which  was  used  and  sold  as  salt.  About  a tablespoonful  cost 
IJd.  I knew  a semi-mad  man  who  ate  two  tablespoonfuls  of 
this  salt  and  died  in  a few  hours  from  the  effect  of  it. 

The  Boloki  were  very  fond  of  music,  and  quickly  acquired 

* Native  names  for  salt,  monana  and  mokwa. 

® Called  by  the  natives  monkoko  mwa  «joA:o= sugar-cane  of  the  elephant, 
because  it  was  so  juicy. 


91 


SPREADING  NEWS  BY  CANOE  SONGS 


a new  tune.  Their  voices,  as  a rule,  were  loud,  clear,  steady, 
and  flexible,  and  they  sang  from  the  chest.  There  were  harsh, 
strident  voices  among  them,  but  they  were  the  exeeption,  and 
at  certain  ages  their  voices  broke  and  became  falsetto.  Their 
singing  was  mixed,  i.e.  men  and  women  sang  together,  and 
was  generally  accompanied  by  an  instrument,  or  by  the  beat- 
ing of  a stick  on  a plank,  or  the  clapping  of  hands  to  give  the 
time.  In  some  ceremonies  the  women  sang  by  themselves,  at 
other  times  the  men  by  themselves,  and  very  often  the  two 
sexes  together,  as  when  travelling  in  their  canoes.  The  com- 
panies sang  in  unison,  and  recitative  time.  Many  of  their 
songs  were  a combination  of  solo  and  chorus. 

When  paddling  their  canoes,  either  a small  drum  was  beaten 
or  a stick  struck  rhythmically  on  the  edge  of  the  canoe  to 
give  time  to  the  stroke  of  their  paddles,  and  to  the  rhythm  of 
their  songs,  solos,  and  ehoruses.  As  a rule  one  sang  a solo, 
and  the  others  took  up  the  chorus.  Their  songs  were  generally 
topical,  and  as  they  paddled  up  or  down  river  they  gave  all 
the  latest  information  of  interest  to  the  villages  as  they  passed 
them.  I have  often  been  amazed  at  the  rapidity  and  accuracy 
with  which  news  was  spread  in  this  way.  A canoe  leaving 
Nouvelles  Anvers  (Diboko),  where  the  State  had  a large 
station,  would  carry  up  or  down  river  all  the  gossip  about  the 
doings  and  sayings  of  the  white  men  of  the  station,  accounts 
of  their  punitive  expeditions,  judgments  passed  on  captives 
and  prisoners,  their  treatment  of  the  natives  who  had  taken 
the  taxes  there,  what  new  white  folk  were  expected  and  who 
was  leaving  for  Europe,  etc.  The  white  officers  told  their  per- 
sonal boys  any  item  of  news,  and  they  passed  on  the  items  to 
their  friends  ; hence  in  the  course  of  an  hour  or  two  everybody 
on  a station  was  acquainted  with  all  the  special  bits  of  infor- 
mation worth  knowing. 

This  singing  answered  another  purpose  : it  gave  warning 
to  the  village  that  a canoe  was  approaching,  and  that  the  folk 
in  it  w'ere  friendly.  A canoe  of  any  size  that  approaehed  a 
town  without  singing  and  drumming  was  regarded  as  an 

92 


I 


1 he  proper  kind  of  grass  is  collected,  dried,  and  burnt.  A funnel  of  large  leaves  is  prepared,  some  of  the  ashes  are  put  in  the  funnel  and  water 
poured  over  them.  This  percolates  through  the  leaves,  and  when  evaporated  leaves  a thin  layer  of  salt. 


LEARNING  NEW  TUNES 


enemy’s  canoe,  and  was  treated  as  sueh,  i.e.  spears,  stones,  etc., 
would  be  thrown  at  the  occupants  of  it. 

Occasionally  a professional  singer  would  visit  our  town  and 
teach  the  young  men  a new  tune.  He  charged  two  or  three 
brass  rods  per  person,  but  would  not  teach  the  tune  unless  he 
had  enough  pupils  to  pay  him,  and  then  he  would  stay  a day 
or  two  until  they  had  learned  the  tune  perfectly ; and  when 
once  they  had  caught  it  they  would  set  their  own  words  to  it. 
A few  years  ago  I wrote  in  my  notebook  as  follows  : “A  pro- 
fessional dancer  and  singer  has  recently  visited  the  town,  and, 
like  so  many  of  his  European  brethren,  he  was  marked  by 
some  eccentricity  in  dress.  He  wore  a belt  of  red  and  blue 
baize  about  18  inches  wide  (the  usual  width  is  4 to  8 inches), 
which  made  him  the  observed  of  all  observers.  Our  profes- 
sional in  walking  about  the  town  put  on  a swagger  fully  in 
keeping  with  his  position  and  dignity — his  bells  tingled,  and 
his  monkey  and  wild  cat  skins  dangled  to  and  fro.  He  received 
a large  fee  from  a mourning  family  that  engaged  him  to  dance 
and  sing  in  honour  of  their  dead  relatives.” 

The  native  songs  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  : (a) 
topical,  as  sung  in  canoes  while  distributing  news ; (b)  local 
songs,  in  which  the  events  of  the  daily  life  of  the  village  are 
temporarily  recorded,  as  the  bravery,  cowardice,  unsociability, 
generosity,  meanness,  thievishness,  etc.,  of  the  men  and 
women  of  village  or  town.  These  local  songs  have  a great 
effect  on  the  people,  for  they  crystallize  the  public  opinion 
concerning  an  individual,  and  the  African  hates  nothing  so 
much  as  being  sung  against  or  ridiculed  in  a song,  (c)  Songs 
at  funeral  festivities,  when  the  praises  of  the  dead  are 
sung. 

They  borrowed  tunes  freely  from  other  tribes,  and  soon 
learned  to  sing  all  the  European  tunes  we  cared  to  teach  them  ; 
but  I do  not  think  that  any  sounds  affected  them  like  the 
rhythmical  beat  of  their  own  drums.  To  that  beat  they  would 
paddle  vigorously  for  hours  beneath  the  tropical  sun ; dance 
perspiringly  through  a long  afternoon,  or  through  a long 

93 


CANOE  MAKING 


night ; fight  recklessly,  or  drink  their  sugar-cane  wine  until 
their  stomachs  were  well  distended. 

They  were  clever  in  making  canoes,  which  were  cut  out  of 
solid  trees,  sometimes  from  soft  woods,  but  generally  from 


When  the  hair  has  been  dressed,  at  the  expense  of  much  time 
and  money,  the  dandy  sleeps  with  his  neck  on  a pillow  of  this 
kind  to  avoid  disarranging  the  hair. 


hard  timber,  such  as  cedar,  mahogany,  and  even  camwood. 
These  canoes  were  sometimes  small  enough  to  be  handled  by 
a child,  and  carried  by  one  person,  and  so  shallow  of  draught 
that  they  would  run  easily  over  a few  inches  of  water ; but 
they  were  also  made  large  enough  to  take  from  60  to  70 

94 


LEARNING  HANDICRAFTS 


paddlers,  and  more  than  half  a ton  of  cargo.  The  tree  was  felled 
and  roughly  shaped  in  the  forest,  and  then  floated  to  the 
town  of  the  maker.  It  was  drawn  up  out  of  the  river,  and  a 
rough  shelter  built  over  it  to  shade  the  worker  and  keep  the 
canoe  from  warping.  A pieee  of  Euphorbia  candelabra  was  tied 
to  it,  and  the  maker  was  not  to  drink  water  while  working  on 
it,  otherwise  it  would  leak ; and  the  charm  kept  it  from 
cracking  and  warded  off  all  evil  influences  from  spoiling  it. 

They  were  also  expert  in  making  paddles,  handles  for  axes 
and  hoes,  and  in  carving  out  chairs  from  solid  blocks  of  wood. 
These  latter  had  four  legs  and  gracefully  curving  backs,  but 
cost  so  much  that  only  chiefs  and  head-men  could  afford 
them  ; and  when  they  went  to  a drinking-bout  at  a neigh- 
bour’s it  was  no  uncommon  sight  to  see  the  women  carrying 
the  ehairs  and  stools  to  accommodate  their  lords  and  masters 
in  comfort  while  drinking.  The  natives,  with  teaching,  made 
good  carpenters,  and  were  always  handy  with  tools.  Our 
advent,  with  new  ideas  of  building  and  with  many  tools  the 
like  of  which  they  had  never  seen  before,  opened  to  them 
fresh  channels  of  industry ; and  as  they  lost  their  fear  of 
the  “ witch-doctor  ” and  were  set  free  from  his  aecusations  of 
“ witchcraft  ” they  gave  vent  to  their  skill  by  imitating  our 
dwellings,  our  furniture,  and  other  convenienees  that  they  saw 
about  our  houses,  and  had  seen  us  make  out  of  the  very 
materials  that  they  had  always  had  to  their  hand.  They 
eagerly  exchanged  fowls  and  other  kinds  of  food  for  our  tools, 
and  we  were  always  ready  to  help  them.  Before  our  arrival 
the  “ witch-doetor,”  by  threats  of  “ witeheraft,”  killed  every 
aspiration  of  the  people  and  smothered  every  sign  of  inventive 
genius  that  exhibited  itself.  To  make  anything  out  of  the 
ordinary — any  new  article — was  to  be  regarded  as  a “ witeh,” 
and  trouble  was  sure  to  follow  any  suspicion  of  that  kind. 
There  was  no  hope  for  them  until  they  burst  the  bonds  that 
held  them  in  thraldom  to  their  “ witch-doetors  ” ; but  once 
released  from  those  miserable  trammels,  no  limits  can  be  set 
to  their  future  progress. 


95 


CHAPTER  VI 


CUSTOMS:  SOME  CURIOUS  AND 
SOME  CRUEL 

stopping  the  rain — Causing  the  river  to  subside — Appeasing  water-spirits — 
Saved  by  his  wit — Debit  and  credit  in  killing — Methods  of  drinking — 
Purification  by  fire — Preventing  spirits  following  their  relatives — Burying 
women  alive  with  their  husband’s  corpse — Killing  a man  for  a feast — 
Honouring  the  dead — Ceremonies  at  a grave — A monument  to  a chief, 

IT  was  raining  one  day  for  about  three  hours  when  I noticed 
a rain-doctor  standing  on  our  beach  trying  to  stop  the 
continuous  downpour.  He  was  a tall,  upright,  old  man 
of  very  kindly  disposition,  and  we  had  often  had  joking  con- 
versations on  this  very  subject  of  his  power  to  stop  the  rain. 
He  had  frequently,  with  much  emphasis,  asserted  his  possession 
of  such  a power,  and  assured  me  that  one  day  he  would  prove 
it  to  me.  It  was  now  raining  one  of  those  kinds  of  rain  that 
seem  as  if  it  had  begun  at  the  Creation  and  would  continue 
to  the  crack  of  doom.  From  the  verandah  of  my  house  I 
saw  the  rain-doctor  pluck  a leaf,  and  going  to  the  bank  of  the 
river,  he  placed  the  leaf  on  the  closed  fist  of  his  left  hand, 
and  after  extending  the  arm  towards  the  quarter  from  which 
the  wind  was  blowing,  he  waved  it  to  and  fro  in  a semicircle, 
and  then  struck  the  leaf  with  the  open  palm  of  his  right  hand. 
This  operation  he  repeated  several  times,  and  at  the  end  of 
an  hour  or  so  the  rain  began  to  abate  and  at  last  ceased. 
He  then  came  smilingly  up  to  my  house,  and  said,  “ You  see, 
white  man,  I can  stop  the  rain.” 

Of  course  he  could  when  there  was  no  more  rain  to  fall. 
I reminded  him  of  his  many  failures,  and  the  frequency  with 

96 


CAUSING  THE  RIVER  TO  SUBSIDE 


which  he  himself  had  been  caught  in  the  rain  ; but  such  re- 
minders neither  shook  his  own  faith,  nor  the  people’s,  in  his 
power  to  stop  the  rain. 

If  a family  were  troubled  with  much  sickness,  and  a witch- 
doetor  said  it  was  due  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  So-and-so’s 
spirit  (mentioning  the  name  of  an  important  and  recently 
deceased  member  of  the  family),  because  no  offering  had 
lately  been  made  to  him,  then  the  family  would  kill  a slave 
and  send  him  with  a message  to  their  troublesome  deceased 
relative,  requesting  that  he  would  not  cause  them  any  further 
misfortune.  If  the  deceased  belonged  to  a “ bush  ” or  inland 
tribe,  the  slave  would  be  killed  and  buried  ; but  if  the  departed 
one  was  a member  of  a riverine  tribe,  then  the  slave  was  tied 
up  and  thrown  into  the  river.  We  induced  them  to  stop 
this  custom,  but  the  more  timorous  ones  for  a time  com- 
promised the  matter  either  by  burying  brass  rods,  equal 
to  the  priee  of  a slave,  in  the  grave,  or  seattering  them  in  the 
river. 

The  occasion  was  as  follows  : The  river  was  rising  rapidly 
and  flooding  the  low-lying  town  of  Monsembe,  and  as  the 
water  rose  higher  and  higher  the  head-men  met  together  to 
decide  what  was  to  be  done  to  cause  the  river  to  subside. 
Passing  that  way  at  the  time  and  hearing  the  subject  of  their 
discussion,  I listened  to  the  conference,  which  lasted  about 
three  hours.  They  suggested  one  reason  after  another  for 
the  flood,  but  at  last  they  were  unanimously  of  the  opinion 
that  the  father  of  one  of  the  men  present  was  angry  with  his 
family  for  slighting  him  so  long,  and  to  show  his  disapprobation, 
he  had  caused  the  river  (River  Congo)  thus  to  rise,  and  the 
only  method  of  securing  its  subsidence  was  to  throw  a human 
sacrifice  into  the  river. 

When  they  arrived  at  this  decision  I asked  for  permission  to 
speak,  which  was  readily  granted.  With  my  walking-stick  I 
drew  an  outline  of  the  Congo  River,  and,  putting  in  some  of 
the  larger  tributaries,  I told  them  how  the  rain  was  falling 
incessantly  in  those  parts,  and  that  if  they  wanted  to  keep 

97 


Q 


APPEASING  WATER-SPIRITS 


the  river  from  rising,  the  best  way  was  to  send  their  rain- 
doetor  to  Stanley  Falls  to  stop  the  rain,  and  t^ms  end  their 
anxiety.  And  as  I spoke  I pointed  to  the  old  man  who  was 
sitting  among  the  other  head-men. 

“ Oh,”  they  exelaimed  in  ehorus,  “ our  rain-doetor  can  stop 
the  rain  falling  in  these  parts  ; but  his  powers  will  not  act  in 
another  distriet.  Our  only  remedy  is  to  throw  an  old  man  into 
the  river.”  Old  men  were  cheaper  than  young  ones. 

“ Well,”  I replied,  “ old  Mata  Bwata  (the  old  chief  who  was 
credited  with  the  rise  of  the  river)  was  a little  man,  and  I am 
a big  man  ; but  one  day  I shall  die  and  shall  be  buried  here  in 
Monsembe,  and  if  so  little  a man  ean  eause  the  river  to  rise 
so  mueh  beeause  he  is  angry  with  you  about  a ceremony, 
how  high  do  you  think  I shall  eause  the  water  to  rise  when  I 
shall  be  angry  with  you  about  murdering  men  and  women  in 
this  manner  ? ” 

“ Why,”  they  answered,  “ you  will  be  able  to  make  the  water 
come  right  above  our  heads,  and  we  shall  all  be  drowned.  All 
right,  white  man,”  they  eontinued,  “ we  know  what  you  mean, 
and  we  promise  not  to  throw  anyone  into  the  river.” 

We  found  afterwards  that  they  eompromised  the  matter,  for 
when  they  held  a mimie  “ naval  ” battle  (with  eanoes)  in  honour 
of  Mata  Bwata’s  memory,  to  appease  his  dissatisfied  spirit,  they 
seattered  six  hundred  brass  rods  in  the  river — the  price  of  a 
slave — in  lieu  of  a human  sacrifiee. 

While  on  this  subject  of  appeasing  water-spirits  I may  relate 
a very  amusing  incident  that  came  to  my  knowledge,  the  chief 
actor  in  which  was  well  known  to  me.  The  folk  in  the  Bombi- 
linga  district  had  been  very  unsuccessful  in  their  fishing,  and 
putting  the  cause  of  their  non-success  down  to  the  wrath  of  the 
water-spirits  who  had  turned  aside  the  fish  from  their  traps  and 
nets,  they  desired  to  conciliate  them.  With  this  object  they 
decided  to  buy  a man  and  throw  him  into  the  river.  They 
bought  a man  with  one  eye,  who,  on  account  of  that  deformity, 
was  sold  cheap,  and,  tying  him,  as  they  thought,  securely,  they 
hurled  him  from  a canoe  into  the  river. 


98 


SAVED  BY  HIS  WIT 


By  some  means,  however,  he  got  loose  and  swam  ashore, 
and  on  his  landing  the  surprised  people  asked  him  why  he  had 
returned  after  being  sacrificed  to  the  water-spirits.  His  smart 
reply  was : “ The  water-spirits  did  not  want  any  one-eyed 
folk  down  there,  so  they  loosened  the  ropes  and  sent  me 
ashore.”  By  his  wit  he  saved  his  life,  but  another  and  more 
perfectly  formed  person  was  bought  and  thrown  into  the 
river  in  his  stead.  This  happened  some  years  before  we  went 
to  live  in  the  district,  but  the  one-eyed  man  I knew  very  well, 
and  more  than  one  person  told  me  of  the  incident. 

Up  to  the  early  months  of  1890  eight  brothers  lived  at 
Bonjoko — a town  three  miles  below  Monsembe.  For  some 
unknown  reason  their  slaves  beat  to  death  the  chief  of  that 
town.  Now  slave-owners  were  held  responsible  for  the  actions 
of  their  slaves,  so  the  brothers  had  to  flee  for  their  lives  ; 
but  one  of  them  was  killed  before  he  could  escape,  and  the 
others  came  to  Monsembe  and  built  a set  of  houses  with  a 
strong  palisade  round  them.  They  lived  thus  for  nine  months 
in  apparent  security.  A chief,  however,  is  worth  two  ordinary 
men,  and  the  family  of  the  murdered  head-man  did  not  forget 
that  one  more  life  was  owing  to  them,  but  they  waited  their 
time  and  opportunity. 

Some  nine  months  afterwards  a Monsembe  ^lave  fell  from 
a palm  tree  and  was  picked  up  dead.  All  that  day  and  the 
next  the  other  slaves  of  the  town  danced  and  sang  at  the  funeral 
festivities  of  the  dead  man,  and  during  the  noise  of  their  crying 
and  chanting  dirges  some  Bonjoko  people  entered  the  town, 
rushed  into  the  stockade,  and,  killing  one  of  the  brothers 
there,  they  cut  open  the  head  of  another,  and  chased  a third 
one  into  the  bush,  where  they  speared  him  to  death. 

If  only  one  brother  had  been  killed  the  feud  would  have 
ended,  and  reconciliation  between  the  families  would  have 
followed  ; but  in  affairs  of  this  kind  they  have  a credit  and 
debit  side,  i.e.  the  chief  of  Bonjoko  was  a great  man,  so  it 
needed  two  deaths  to  expiate  his.  The  Bonjoko  people  had 
killed  one  brother  before  the  family  had  escaped  from  the 

99 


DEBIT  AND  CREDIT  IN  KILLING 


town,  and  now  they  desired  to  kill  one  other  only  to  square 
the  account ; but  being  divided  in  their  attack  into  two  or 
three  parties,  acting  independently,  neither  knew  what  the 
other  had  done  or  was  doing,  two  brothers  were  killed,  during 
the  raid,  instead  of  one.  Thus  the  Bonjoko  family  owed  one 
life  to  the  brothers,  and  according  to  custom  they  should  not 
have  stopped  hostilities  until  there  was  a clear  balance-sheet. 
The  remnant  of  the  brothers  could  move  about  freely,  and 
needed  no  longer  to  live  enclosed  in  a stockade.  It  was  now 
the  turn  of  the  other  family  to  go  in  fear  of  their  lives.  The 
brothers  took  the  bodies  of  their  slain  relatives  to  Bonjoko 
for  burial ; and  a short  time  afterwards  made  blood-brotherhood 
with  the  other  family,  and  the  blood  feud  w’as  thus  finished. 

It  leaked  out  eventually  that  the  Monsembe  head-men,  who 
had  little  or  no  sympathy  with  the  brothers,  had  received  1000 
brass  rods  not  to  oppose  the  Bonjoko  family  when  they  came 
for  vengeance,  although  the  head-men  had  accepted  large 
presents  from  the  brothers  on  the  promise  of  protection  and 
the  right  of  asylum  in  their  town.  This  treachery  was  con- 
demned by  public  opinion,  but  those  who  condemned  it  only 
did  so  because  they  had  had  no  share  of  the  spoils. 

The  principal  drink,  apart  from  water,  was  7wanga= sugar- 
cane wine.  The  canes  were  cut  into  two-feet  lengths  and  the 
outside  skin  peeled  off.  The  juicy  pith  was  put  into  a long, 
strong,  canoe-shaped  trough,  where  it  was  pounded  into  pulp 
with  heavy  pestles.  By  the  side  of  the  trough  was  a strong 
cross-stick  fixed  to  two  stout  uprights,  and  from  the  cross- 
stick was  suspended  by  many  loops  a cord-plaited  mat  about 
16  inches  wide  and  2 feet  6 inches  long.  At  the  lower  end  of 
the  mat  was  a stout  stick  hanging  from  the  bottom  loops  of 
the  mat.  The  operator  took  a large  handful  of  crushed  fibre 
from  the  trough,  and  placing  it  on  the  mat  he  gave  a twist 
to  the  lower  stick,  folding  the  mat  over  on  to  the  fibre,  then 
with  both  hands  he  turned  the  lower  stick  again  and  again, 
until  no  more  juice  could  be  pressed  from  the  enclosed  fibre. 
The  juice  ran  from  the  rope  mat  into  a conduit  below,  and  on 

100 


METHODS  OF  DRINKING 


into  a large  jar  at  the  bottom.  This  proeess  was  repeated  until 
all  the  crushed  fibre  had  been  pressed  in  the  mat.  This  operation 
was  generally  begun  about  4 a.m.  and  completed  by  8 or  9 a.m. 
A little  old  sugar-cane  wine  was  added  to  the  new,  and  by 
3 or  4 p.m.  the  whole  jar,  containing  from  eight  to  twelve 
gallons,  would  be  fizzing  with  fermentation.  A jar  of  four 
gallons  could  be  bought  for  two  yards  of  calico. 

A man  would  buy  a jar  of  wine  and  beat  his  drum  in  a 
certain  way  to  call  his  friends,  who,  after  a few  minutes,  began 
to  gather  from  various  parts  of  the  town,  each  followed  by 
a wife  carrying  a stool  and  some  article  out  of  which  her 
husband  was  to  drink.  One  had  a bottle,  another  a saucepan, 
another  an  old  coffee-pot,  another  a jug,  another  a glass  or 
an  enamel  mug.  A man  was  chosen  to  dole  out  the  wine  with 
a small  wooden  bailer,  and  no  matter  how  large  the  vessel 
offered,  the  recipient  only  received  so  many  dips  of  the  bailer, 
and  thus  all  shared  alike. 

During  the  sugar-cane  season  drinking-bouts  were  common 
and  would  last  from  eight  to  ten  days.  Different  head-men 
would  buy  on  succeeding  days  large  jars  of  manga,  and  would 
beat  their  drums  to  cal!  their  cronies  and  friends  to  the  “ drink.” 
They  would  sit  in  a circle  round  the  jar  of  sugar-cane  wine, 
and  one  would  solemnly  ladle  it  out,  but  no  one  would  drink 
until  all  were  served.  Women,  who  sat  behind  their  husbands 
at  these  carousals,  drank  only  what  their  husbands  gave  them, 
and  I have  seen  only  three  drunken  women.  This  was  not 
because  the  women  had  any  aversion  to  drinking  or  to  drunken- 
ness, but  because  they  could  not  procure  the  liquor.  The 
making  of  the  “ wine  ” was  a laborious  process,  hence,  while 
the  women  cultivated  and  prepared  the  canes,  the  men  made 
the  wine  and  took  care  to  drink  it.  Drinking-bouts  were 
always  followed  by  a certain  amount  of  sickness,  as  fever  and 
diarrhoea,  and  a complete  loss  of  appetite  for  a time.  I think 
the  rough,  sharp  pieces  of  fibre  found  in  the  unstrained  wine 
irritated  the  bowels  and  brought  on  dysentery ; and  the  ir- 
regular lives  they  lived  during  these  bouts  induced  fever. 

101 


PURIFICATION  BY  FIRE 


The  majority  drank  in  the  ordinary  way,  but  some  in  a 
manner  peculiar  to  themselves.  One  sucked  his  wine  through 
a reed ; another  had  a cloth  dropped  over  his  head  while 
drinking ; another  placed  some  fine-shredded  grass  over  the 
mouth  of  his  bottle  and  quaffed  his  wine  through  that ; another 
took  a piece  of  plantain  leaf  and,  making  a channel  down  the 
middle,  put  one  end  into  his  mouth  and  poured  the  wine 
out  of  his  bottle  on  to  the  top  end  of  his  leaf,  whence  it  ran 
down  the  groove  into  his  mouth.  All  these  various  modes 
of  drinking  are  rigidly  followed  out  of  regard  to  the  strict 
injunctions  of  some  “ medicine  man,”  who  has  told  them  that 
in  order  to  prevent  the  return  of  a sickness  from  which  they 
have  suffered,  or  to  escape  certain  diseases,  they  must  drink 
in  such  and  such  a manner,  or  not  at  all.  When  a man  was 
“ on  the  booze  ” he  stuck  a leaf  in  his  hair  to  show  it,  and  then 
no  notice  was  taken  of  any  stupid  or  insulting  remarks  he 
might  make,  or  of  any  business  transaction  he  might  enter 
upon. 

One  day  I saw  an  old  woman  whom  I knew  very  well  sitting 
in  the  centre  of  a ring  of  fire,  and  upon  inquiry  I found  that 
she  had  had  much  to  do  with  preparing  a corpse  for  burial, 
and  at  the  close  of  the  ceremony  she  had  to  be  purified.  A 
ring  of  fire  made  of  small  sticks  encircled  her ; she  took  a leaf, 
dried  it,  crunched  it  in  her  fist,  and  sprinkled  it  on  the  fire, 
moving  her  hands,  palms  downwards,  over  the  fire  ring. 
When  the  fire  had  died  out  a witch-doctor  took  hold  of 
the  little  finger  of  her  left  hand  with  the  little  finger 
of  his  right  hand,  and,  lifting  her  arm,  he  drew  her  out 
of  the  fire  circle  purified.  She  was  now  supposed  to  be 
cleansed  from  all  contamination  with  the  dead. 

Walking  one  day  in  Monsembe  I saw  an  incident  that 
recalled  Burns’  “ Tam  o’Shanter  ” to  my  mind.  There  had 
been  a death  in  a family,  and  the  relatives  had  just  performed 
all  the  necessary  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  were  returning  to 
to  their  homes.  A small  trench  some  twenty  feet  long  was  dug 
with  a hoe.  The  relatives  took  up  their  position  on  the  side 

102 


Photo  by\ 


[A’rt/,  C.  y.  Dodds 


A Boloki  Woman  and  Child 

The  parallel  lines  of  cicatrices  running:  from  the  neck  to  the  navel  are  for  ornamentation. 
The  ring  of  solid  brass  round  the  neck  w eighs  about  12  lbs.,  but  some  weigh  even  28  lbs. 


. - 3 -"W 

V.. 


^ ^ T 

* < f r-’ 


-5r:  V 

..Vi  5% 


V •-■«  ^.'  -’^  . 


.r- 


I j ' 


‘ 5‘^r  -^-^. 

»r 

ij. 


BURYING  WOMEN  ALIVE 


of  the  trench  nearest  to  the  grave,  the  medicine-man  stood 
on  the  other  side,  and  his  assistant  was  placed  at  the  end  of 
the  trench  with  a large  calabash  of  water.  At  a signal  the  water 
was  poured  into  the  trench,  and  while  it  was  running  the 
medicine-man  took  each  person  by  the  hand,  and  mumbling 
an  incantation  he  pulled  him,  or  her,  over  the  running  water. 
When  all  had  been  pulled  over,  one  by  one,  the  water  was 
allowed  to  run  until  the  calabash  was  empty.  I asked  the 
reason  of  the  ceremony,  and  they  told  me  it  w'as  to  keep  the 
spirit  of  their  deceased,  and  buried,  relative  from  following 
them.  It  was  very  evident  from  the  rites  observed  that  they 
thought  the  spirits  could  not  cross  running  water. 

One  evening  I heard  a considerable  amount  of  shouting  and 
screaming,  and  on  going  to  the  scene  of  the  excitement  I 
found  two  women  strongly  bound  who  were  weeping  most 
bitterly,  and  begging  to  be  set  free.  I asked  them  the  reason 
for  being  thus  tied,  and  they  replied,  “ You  know  our  husband, 
Mangwele,  is  dead.  He  is  to  be  buried  to-morrow  morning, 
and  we  are  to  be  buried  alive  with  his  body.  Untie  us,  white 
man,  and  save  us  from  such  a death.” 

I knew  the  custom  of  the  district  very  well,  but  had  never 
been  brought  into  contact  so  closely  with  it.  In  every  family 
of  importance  there  were  one  or  two  women  called  mwila 
ndaku,  which  meant  that  when  their  husband  died  they  were 
to  be  buried  alive  \vith  his  corpse,  unless  in  the  meantime  they 
bore  children,  when  other  women  took  their  place.  Every 
time  they  heard  their  name  it  was  a reminder  of  the  awful 
fate  that  awaited  them. 

From  my  heart  I pitied  the  women,  and  turning  to  the 
members  of  the  family  I pleaded  and  remonstrated  with  them 
in  such  a way,  and  with  such  God-given  eloquence,  that 
they  at  last  said,  “ All  right,  white  man,  we  will  give  up  this 
custom.”  They  untied  the  women,  who  at  once  began  to 
dance  about  us,  relieved  that  they  had  been  rescued  from  such 
a horrible  fate. 

Next  morning  the  men  came  and  asked  me  to  attend  the 

103 


KILLING  A MAN  FOR  A FEAST 

funeral,  to  see  for  myself  that  they  really  intended  to  keep 
their  promise.  I went,  and  for  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  that  district  a man  of  importance  was  buried  without 
living  women  being  inhumed  with  the  corpse.  Now  I knew 
all  the  wives,  children,  and  slaves  of  that  man,  and  whenever 
I asked  for  them,  they  were  able  to  show  them — a proof  that 
they  had  not  secretly  buried  any  after  I had  left  the  grave ; 
and  as  only  members  of  the  family,  or  slaves  owned  by  the 
deceased,  would  follow  and  attend  upon  the  spirit  of  the 
departed,  I felt  sure  that  no  outsiders  had  been  surreptitiously 
substituted.  From  that  time  they  used  to  request  that  either 
I or  one  of  my  colleagues  would  attend  important  funerals, 
to  see  that  they  kept  their  promise.  We  were  exceedingly 
glad  to  stop  such  a cruel  custom. 

We  were  not  always  successful  in  our  efforts  to  save  life, 
as  the  following  incident  will  show  : The  people  at  Bonjoko 
determined  to  have  a great  feast.  They  bought  as  fat  a slave 
as  they  could  procure,  broke  his  legs  and  arms,  and  fed  him 
for  three  days,  while  they  made  a great  quantity  of  sugar- 
cane wine.  I made  every  possible  endeavour  to  save  him, 
but  utterly  failed  to  do  so,  and  on  the  third  day  he  was  killed 
and  the  horrible  orgy  was  held.  That  was  in  the  early  years 
of  our  Mission  ; but  in  after  years  they  became  heartily  ashamed 
of  the  whole  affair. 

When  a man  of  any  position  died  his  wives  would  throw  off 
their  dresses  and  wear  old  rags  (sometimes  they  would  go 
absolutely  naked),  pick  up  anything  belonging  to  him — his 
chair,  spear,  pipe,  mug,  knife,  shield,  or  blanket — anything 
that  first  came  to  hand,  and  having  covered  their  bodies  with 
a coating  of  clay,  they  would  parade  the  town  in  ones,  or  twos, 
or  threes,  crying  bitterly  and  calling  upon  him  to  return  to 
them.  They  would  stop  at  times  in  their  crying  and  say, 
“ He  is  gone  to  So-and-so,  we  will  go  and  find  him,”  and  away 
they  would  start  off  in  a business-like  fashion  in  their  pre- 
tended search  for  him.  This  parading  they  would  keep  up 
for  a day  or  two,  and  then  women  of  the  town  would  bedeck 

104 


*T3  T3 
C C 

a a 


*o  u 
o Q* 


T3  (1 


O 

. 

.c  c 

I'S  2 

« 

'O  CUD  W 
c ja  o. 
“ ^ « 

(«  2 

tfjT3 

4>  a 2i 
U ag 
u ^ 2 

II  »-  o 
rt 


: 3.2 

JTJ-f: 


U 

^ o o 


t)  « a 

~ 2 o 
2-^  S. 


CEREMONIES  AT  A GRAVE 


themselves  with  climbing  plants,  vines,  leaves,  and  bunches 
of  twigs,  and  forming  themselves  into  a procession  they 
would  march  through  the  town  chanting  the  praises  of  the 
deceased.  Men  would  paint  and  arm  themselves  as  for  a 
fight,  and  would  imitate  the  daring  acts  of  the  departed  as 
a warrior ; and  if  he  had  been  remarkable  for  fighting  on  the 
river,  they  would  arrange  a sham  canoe  fight  in  his  honour. 
Fifteen  or  twenty  canoes,  filled  with  men  armed  with  spears, 
shields,  and  guns,  would  go  through  all  the  manoeuvres  of 
a mimic  river  fight,  firing  their  guns,  pretending  to  throw  their 
spears,  or  deflect  them  with  their  shields,  circling  round  each 
other  amid  shouts  of  their  prowess,  or  laughter  at  those  who, 
losing  their  balance,  fell  into  the  river.  Those  ashore  would 
crowd  along  the  bank  and  yell  out  directions,  approbation, 
and  encouragement  to  their  friends  in  the  canoes.  It  was 
an  amusing  and  interesting  sight,  and  seemed  to  be  thoroughly 
enjoyed  both  by  actors  and  spectators  alike.  They  called  this 
praising  or  honouring  the  dead. 

I was  asked  on  one  oecasion  to  attend  the  burial  of  a promi- 
nent man  of  the  district,  and  was  interested  in  seeing  the 
following  rites  performed  : After  the  coffin  had  been  lowered 
into  the  grave,  men  came  forward,  and,  taking  a spear,  they 
called  upon  the  spirits  of  those  whom  the  deceased  had  killed 
in  times  of  war  to  attend  their  conqueror  in  the  spirit  world, 
and  every  time  a name  was  mentioned  or  an  order  given 
a thrust  was  made  with  a spear.  The  deceased  had  killed 
seven  persons,  and  their  skulls  were  arranged  round  the  base 
of  the  wild  fig  tree  just  in  front  of  his  house.  Different  men 
called  on  the  different  spirits,  and  so  far  as  I could  ascertain 
it  was  those  who  knew  all  the  particulars  of  the  slain,  and  the 
circumstances  attending  their  death,  that  had  to  call  on  them 
to  attend  and  obey  the  deceased.  It  seemed  to  me  that  he 
gave  details  of  the  person  killed  in  order  that  the  spirits 
should  make  no  mistake  as  to  who  was  meant,  and  described 
the  manner  of  death  that  there  might  be  no  misapprehension 
about  a claim  on  their  service  being  established.  Some  spears 

105 


A MONUMENT  TO  A CHIEF 


and  knives  were  put  in  the  coffin,  and  some  brass  rods  (the 
currency)  were  laid  in  the  grave  for  the  use  of  the  departed. 

Some  months  later  a shelter  was  built  over  the  grav'e, 
with  a rough  table  under  it.  On  this  table  mugs,  bottles, 
saucepans,  plates,  etc.,  were  arranged  ; and  at  the  sides,  and 
under  the  table,  stools,  chairs,  large  wine-jars  were  put ; 
but  everything  was  “ killed,”  i.e.  broken.  All  the  natives 
told  me  that  the  articles  were  “ killed  ” to  keep  people  from 
stealing  them,  yet  they  had  an  idea  that  the  things  thus  dis- 
played not  only  served  as  a memorial  to  the  deceased,  but 
helped  him  in  some  indefinable  way  in  the  spirit  land.  Un- 
doubtedly they  had  forgotten  the  reason  for  “ killing  ” the 
articles.  The  stealing  reason  was  not  sufficient  to  meet  the 
case,  for  there  was  too  wholesome  a fear  of  the  revenge  the 
spirits  could  inflict,  and  detection  was  too  easy  for  anyone  to 
be  so  foolhardy  as  to  rob  a grave.  No,  this  display  of  useful 
goods  served  three  purposes  : it  was  a “ monument  ” to  the 
important  man  buried  beneath  it ; it  was  a proof  of  his  own, 
and  his  family’s,  wealth  ; and  lastly,  and  probably  the  original 
object  of  the  articles  being  placed  on  the  grave,  they  were 
conveniences  to  increase  his  comfort  and  prestige  in  the  spirit 
world  to  which  he  had  gone. 


106 


CHAPTER  VII 


SOCIAL  LIFE  AND  ORGANIZATION 


Salutations— Sneezing — Land  is  communal — River  rights — Slaves  and  their 
position — Laws  of  inheritance — Sons  given  as  pawns— Masters’  responsi- 
bility— Debtor  and  creditor — Rules  for  collecting  debts — Rules  for  fight- 
ing— The  evening  meal — Dividing  food — Greediness  condemned — The 
village  dance — The  impromptu  song — Its  effect  on  various  people. 


UDENESS,  discourtesy,  and  lack  of  sociality  are 


greatly  condemned  by  the  Boloki,  and  will  be  punished 


in  longa,  or  the  nether  regions  to  which  their  spirits 
go  after  death  ; hence  they  are  very  punctilious  about  saluting 
each  other  whenever  they  meet,  visit,  or  pass  one  another. 
The  following  are  their  principal  salutations. 

Morning  : 

Olongo  0!  You  are  awake.  Answer:  Nalongoi  0!  I am 
awake. 

Ohimi  0 ! You  are  out.  Answer  : Nahimi  0 ! I am  out. 

Later  in  the  day,  when  a man  is  passing  a neighbour’s  house, 
he  will  say  to  the  one  sitting  inside  or  outside  his  house  : 

Ojali  O ! or  OV  o moi  O ! You  are  alive  (exist  or  sit),  or.  You 
are  there.  Answer  : Najali  0 ! or  NaV  oni  0 ! I am  alive,  or 
I am  here. 

If  the  resident  sees  the  visitor  first  he  says  : 

Oy’  oni  O ! You  have  come  here.  Answer  : Nay'  oni  0 ! I 
have  come  here. 

If  the  visitor  stays  chatting  for  a little  time,  he  says  on 
leaving : 

Nake  0 ! I go.  And  the  other  responds  : Oke  O ! You  go. 

If  a man  is  ill  he  is  greeted  thus  : 


107 


SALUTATIONS 


Okeli  boti  0 ! You  are  a little  better  {bolau  is  understood). 

After  his  illness  the  greeting  is  : Okeli  bolau  0 ! You  are 
good,  i.e.  You  are  better.  And  the  answer  to  the  first  is  : 
Nakeli  boti  0 ! I am  a little  better  ; and  to  the  second  : Nakeli 
bolau  0 ! I am  well. 

To  leave  out  the  0 ! is  for  the  greeting  and  response  to  lack 
cordiality,  and  the  emphasis  on  the  0 ! and  the  tone  in  which 
it  is  uttered  are  indicative  of  the  feeling  those  greeting  one 
another  have  for  each  other.  Bwanda  is  the  word  used  in 
greeting  a superior,  and  the  answer  is  Bika  (these  words  have 
lost  their  meaning) ; but  a superior  greets  an  equal  with  the 
same  salutations  as  an  inferior  does  an  equal,  i.e.  : Ojali  0 ! 
Obimi  0 ! Oy'  oni  0 ! etc. 

There  is  another  salutation  used  by  a person  to  an  equal, 
the  answer  to  which  is  very  various  ; and,  in  fact,  every  person 
has  his  own  reply  according  to  his  circumstances  and  the 
way  in  which  he  thinks  his  neighbours  regard  him  at  the  time. 
One  man  greets  another  by  saying,  Losako,  Blessing  on  you  ; 
and  he  replies,  Ngai  nkumbaku,  I am  one  who  is  cursed,  i.e. 
the  people  in  the  town  are  always  cursing  him,  or  he  fancies 
they  are.  Or  the  reply  may  be,  Bansina,  They  hate  me,  i.e. 
the  folk  in  the  town  do  not  like  him  ; or  Ngai  nsu  ya  mai,  I am 
a fish,  i.e.  Everybody  likes  me  just  as  everybody  likes  fish  ; or, 
Nakalela  bana  ba  ngai,  I am  weeping  for  my  children,  said  by 
one  mourning  over  some  great  misfortune  or  bereavement. 
A vain  person  arrogates  to  himself  a phrase  indicative  of  his 
egotism,  while  a despondent  one  uses  a sentence  that  does 
not  truly  reflect  the  attitude  of  his  neighbours  towards  him, 
although  in  his  humility  he  may  think  so. 

There  is  a curious  saying  after  one  has  sneezed,  viz.  Ngai  nya, 
motu  mosusu,  “ It  is  not  I,  but  someone  else,”  and  this  is 
accompanied  by  a vigorous  clapping  of  the  hands  and  snapping 
of  the  fingers,  expressive  of  great  astonishment.  It  means  : 
I am  surprised  that  you  want  to  call  away  my  spirit  (the  spirit 
is  supposed  to  escape  through  the  nostrils),  I really  am  not  the 
person  you  think  I am,  but  somebody  else. 

108 


LAND  IS  COMMUNAL 


The  natives  are  fond  of  water,  and  bath  frequently  during 
a hot  day ; and  children  are  bathed  regularly  twice  a day. 
A mother  takes  her  infant  to  the  river,  and,  gripping  it  tightly 
just  under  the  right  armpit,  she  dips  it  beneath  the  water. 
And  after  holding  it  there  many  moments,  she  will  lift  it  out, 
and  just  as  it  regains  its  breath  to  start  crying,  down  it  will 
go  again.  This  is  repeated  about  a dozen  times,  and  then 
rubbing  the  superfluous  water  off  with  the  palm  of  her  hand, 
she  holds  it  out  in  the  sun  for  a few  moments  to  dry.  Riverine 
people  can  remain  under  the  water  for  a long  time  while 
attending  their  fish-nets,  and  this  habit  they  have  gained  from 
those  infantile  experiences,  when  it  was  either  holding  the 
breath,  or  drinking  a quantity  of  dirty  river  water. 

They  wash  their  mouths  both  before  and  after  meals,  and 
generally  carry  a native  tooth-brush  (a  piece  of  cane  three 
inches  long  and  frayed  at  one  end)  about  with  them,  and  use 
it  frequently  during  the  day.  To  this  habit  they  probably 
owe  the  beautiful  white  teeth  so  usually  found  among  the 
natives.  Both  men  and  women  occasionally  pay  a hairdresser 
to  comb  out  their  hair  nicely,  and  plait  it  into  three  plaits — 
two  standing  out  at  right  angles  to  the  temples  and  one  standing 
out  above  the  forehead.  They  also  frequently  rub  their 
bodies  with  palm-oil  and  camwood  powder,  and  will  sometimes 
blacken  their  eyebrows. 

The  land  surrounding  a town  belongs  to  the  people  who  live 
in  the  town.  Certain  landmarks,  as  streams,  forests,  etc., 
are  agreed  upon  as  boundaries.  If  there  is  a town  near  the 
boundary  the  land  reaches  right  up  to  the  boundary  of  the 
next  town,  but  if  the  town  is  some  distance  from  the  forest 
boundary,  then  the  ground  between  the  boundaries  is  neutral 
land  in  which  the  folk  of  both  towns  can  hunt,  cut  timber, 
etc.,  as  they  please.  Within  the  boundary  the  people  of  the 
town  are  free  to  make  their  farms  and  build  their  houses 
where  they  like,  provided  the  land  is  not  already  occupied  by 
someone  else.  Priority  of  occupation  is  the  only  title  recognized. 
There  is  no  such  thing  as  unclaimed  land.  It  is  either  within 

109 


RIVER  RIGHTS 


the  boundary  and  is  claimed  by  the  town  living  on  it,  or  it 
is  between  the  boundaries  and  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  near 
towns  as  neutral  hunting,  etc.,  but  no  one  can  sell  that  land 
without  the  consent  of  those  towns  that  are  mutually  benefited 
by  it. 

If  a slave  belonging  to  a man  of  the  town  cultivated  a piece 
of  land  owned  by  her  master’s  town,  she  had  full  rights  over 
it,  and  her  master  is  careful  to  see  that  those  rights  are  not 
infringed.  Of  course,  she  cannot  sell  the  ground,  but  she  can 
sell  the  farm  as  a farm  and  the  stuff  growing  on  it,  and  the 
person  who  buys  the  “ stuff  ” can  continue  to  cultivate  it,  if 
she  is  an  inhabitant  of  the  town  owning  the  land,  if  not,  she 
can  let  the  produce  mature  there,  and  when  she  has  removed 
the  said  produce  the  land  will  revert  again  to  the  town. 

Men,  women,  and  children  can  own,  for  the  time  being, 
the  land  that  they  have  cleared  for  farming  purposes  ; and  can 
own  slaves  whom  they  have  bought  or  inherited.  I have 
known  a case  in  which  a slave  owned  a slave,  and  that  slave — 
the  property  of  another  slave — owned  a slave  also.  When  we 
bought  a piece  of  land  in  1890,  the  price  given  was  divided 
among  the  head-men  in  the  town  according  to  their  importance, 
and  they  gave  a part  of  their  shares  to  their  followers — members 
of  their  family,  but  not  to  their  slaves.  The  State  told  us  we 
could  take  the  plot  of  land  we  wanted  for  nothing ; but  we 
recognized  the  natives’  rights  in  their  land,  and  thus  paid  them 
compensation  for  relinquishing  those  rights  to  us.  If  we  had 
not  done  so,  the  natives  would  have  regarded  us  as  interlopers 
who  had  stolen  their  land,  and  I think  their  view  would  have 
been  the  right  one. 

The  river  running  by  the  land  belonging  to  a town  is  the 
joint  property  of  the  townsfolk  for  fishing  purposes.  People 
of  other  towns  are  not  allowed  to  fish  there.  There  are,  how- 
ever, large  tracts  of  neutral  water  where  anyone  can  fish  with 
trap  or  net,  provided  no  one  else  is  fishing  in  that  spot.  These 
fishing  rights  are  so  well  recognized  that  men  never  think  of 
fishing  along  our  bank  without  first  seeking  our  permission. 

no 


LAWS  OF  INHERITANCE 


Slaves  can  be  sold  by  their  owner ; and  they  can  also  be 
killed  by  their  master,'  and  no  one  can  prosecute  him  for 
murder — he  has  simply  destroyed  his  own  property,  and 
“ surely  a man  can  do  what  he  likes  with  his  own  goods.” 
Slaves  are,  as  a rule,  treated  well,  for  they  can  easily  run  away, 
and  their  owner  will  then  lose  the  money  invested  in  them. 
It  is  to  the  owner’s  interest  to  look  properly  after  them — 
to  house  them,  to  provide  them  with  wives  or  husbands,  and 
maintain  their  rights  as  members  of  the  community.  I have 
known  some  few  slaves  run  away ; but  I have  known  more 
than  a few  to  be  treated  like  members  of  the  family.  The 
better  the  slaves  are  treated,  the  more  secure  are  their  masters 
of  their  services  and  value. 

The  eldest  son  takes  his  father’s  title,  and  also  inherits 
a larger  proportion  of  the  property  than  his  brothers.  The 
amount  depends  on  the  number  of  sons — if  there  are  three 
sons,  the  eldest  takes  a half,  the  second  son  two-thirds  of  the 
remaining  half,  and  the  last  son  the  rest.  The  property  of 
a woman  goes  to  her  husband,  and,  failing  him,  to  her  own 
sons,  or  daughters.  The  sons  of  a free  woman  take  priority 
over  those  by  a slave  wife.  On  the  Upper  Congo  father-right 
is  the  rule,  whereas  on  the  Lower  Congo  mother-right  is  the 
recognized  native  law. 

Sons  inherit  their  father’s  widows,  and  in  sharing  them  out 
it  is  arranged  for  a man  not  to  have  his  own  mother  as  a part 
of  his  share  of  the  women.  The  son,  on  becoming  possessed 
of  his  father’s  widows,  can  either  keep  them  as  his  wives,  or, 
if  they  are  slave  women,  he  can  sell  them  ; and  if  they  are 
free  women  he  can  arrange  for  them  to  marry  someone  else, 
and  keep  the  marriage  money  paid  for  them. 

Failing  direct  male  heirs,  the  daughter  (or  daughters) 
takes  the  estate  ; but  she  gives  the  wives  to  some  of  her  near 
of  kin,  such  as  male  cousins,  etc.,  but  should  there  be  no 
direct  male  or  female  heirs,  the  family  clan  takes  possession 
of  the  estate  and  divides  it  among  themselves. 

When  there  are  male  heirs,  and  the  estate  is  divided  up, 

111 


SONS  GIVEN  AS  PAWNS 


the  daughter  (or  daughters)  takes  as  her  portion  the  women 
who  were  given  to  her  father  as  her  marriage  money  by  her 
husband  ; and  these  she  gives  to  her  brother  by  the  same  mother 
as  herself,  so  that  that  brother  reeeives  his  share  of  the  estate 
as  a son,  and  also  the  women  (if  still  alive)  given  as  a marriage 
portion  for  his  sister.  In  recognition  of  this  gift  the  fortunate 
brother  will  make  frequent  presents  of  sugar-cane  wine  and 
meat  to  his  sister’s  husband,  as  this  increment  to  his  wealth  has 
come  indirectly  from  him. 

Slaves  number  about  25  per  cent  of  the  population.  Some 
were  born  slaves,  others  were  seized  for  debt,  a few  were 
captured  in  war,  and  some  had  sold  themselves  to  pay  their 
debts,  incurred  by  adultery,  or  by  the  loss  of  a lawsuit,  the 
expenses  of  which  they  could  not  meet.  Some  were  sold  to 
pay  the  family  debts.  It  is  also  the  custom  for  a father  to 
give  a son  in  pawn  as  security  for  a loan.  The  status  of  a pawn 
is  somewhat  higher  than  that  of  a slave,  for  he  may  be  re- 
deemed at  any  moment,  and  thus  again  become  a free  person. 
The  one  who  holds  such  a pawn  cannot  sell  him,  nor  pass  him 
on  to  anyone  \vithout  the  consent  of  the  pawner,  for  the 
family  may  arrive  wdth  the  redemption  money,  and  if  the 
pawn  cannot  be  produced  the  pawnee  will  have  to  pay  the 
family  three  or  four  times  the  value  of  the  pawn. 

There  are  no  absolutely  independent  men  and  women 
apart  from  head-men  and  chiefs.  All  the  rest  are  attached  to 
head-men  as  relatives,  slaves,  pawns,  or  by  a voluntary  sur- 
render of  themselves  to  a chief.  If  the  family  of  a free  man 
dies  off,  or  becomes  very  weak — too  w’eak  to  defend  itself 
against  the  aggressiveness  of  the  other  families  in  the  town, 
such  a free  man  attaches  himself  (and  any  relatives  dependent 
on  him)  to  the  head-man  of  any  one  of  the  stronger  families 
he  may  select.  He  then  practically  becomes  a member  of  that 
family.  Their  quarrels  are  his,  and  his  quarrels  are  theirs. 
His  position  is  that  of  a free  man  owning  fealty  to  the  head  of 
his  adopted  family,  and  he  is  never  treated  as  a slave.  If  he 
had  tried  to  stand  alone  in  his  weakness  some  quarrel  would 

112 


MASTERS’  RESPONSIBILITIES 


have  been  picked  with  him  by  one  of  the  more  powerful  families, 
and  eventually  he  and  his  would  have  become  slaves.  A slave 
is  called  mombo,  from  omba,  to  buy ; a pawn  is  ndanga=a. 
token  ; but  a free  man  who  attaches  himself  to  a chief  is  called 
ejalinya,  probably  from  jala=to  live  with, 

A slave  boy  is  not  permitted  to  use  either  camwood  powder 
or  oil  on  his  body ; but  should  he  please  his  master  one  day 
by  bringing  him  a present  of  a fine  fish,  or  a large  piece  of 
meat,  or  some  cloth  and  brass  rods  worthy  of  his  master’s 
acceptance,  his  owner  on  receiving  the  offering  will  rub  his 
hands  over  his  slave’s  face,  and  say,  “ Your  skin  is  very  bad. 
Why  don’t  you  rub  it  with  camwood  powder  and  oil  ? ” and 
from  that  time  he  is  allowed  to  use  the  cosmetic  so  prized  by 
all  the  natives. 

As  a rule  the  best  dressed  men  in  a town  are  the  slaves, 
and  the  worst  dressed  men  the  masters.  They  are  afraid 
to  parade  their  wealth  for  fear  of  charges  of  witehcraft  on 
account  of  deflecting  other  folk’s  goods  to  their  own  store  ; 
and  also  a man  can  more  consistently  and  more  easily  refuse 
a loan  on  the  plea  of  poverty,  in  old  clothes,  than  he  can  if 
he  is  gorgeously  arrayed.  Of  eourse,  on  special  occasions, 
the  masters  will  wear  plenty  of  good  cloth,  and  decorate 
their  bodies  with  powdered  camwood  and  oil.  A slave  can 
dress  his  hair  like  a free  man ; but  if  he  has  a beard  he  must 
leave  it  loose,  for  only  free  men  are  permitted  to  plait  their 
beards. 

The  master  is  responsible  for  the  actions  of  his  slaves. 
I remember  a case  in  1892  when  a slave  attempted  the  life 
of  the  head-man  of  his  master’s  town.  His  attempt  failed, 
and  he  escaped  to  a distant  town  ; but  the  master  was  tied 
up,  killed,  and  eaten.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  if  the 
master  had  been  a more  influential  man  some  other  way 
would  have  been  found  to  meet  the  case — a heavy  fine — as 
the  attempt  was  unsueeessful.  While  theoretically  a master 
is  liable  for  his  slave’s  debts,  yet  he  will  repudiate  them  on 
the  ground  that  the  lender  had  no  right  to  advance  goods  to 

113 


H 


DEBTOR  AND  CREDITOR 


a slave  without  first  ascertaining  whether  the  master  will  be 
responsible  for  the  payment  for  them  or  not.  A slave  badly 
treated  by  his  master  breaks  the  eboko,  or  fetish  saucepan, 
belonging  to  a witeh-doctor.  Then  the  witch-doctor  demands 
such  a heavy  price  from  the  master,  as  he  is  responsible  for 
his  slave’s  action,  that  he  prefers  to  leave  the  slave  as  com- 
pensation in  the  witch-doctor’s  hands  to  paying  such  heavy 
redemption  money.  The  sum  demanded  is  usually  more 
than  the  price  of  a slave  ; but  public  opinion  is  very  pronounced 
against  a slave  who  breaks  the  eboko  for  insufficient  reasons. 
The  fear  of  this  has  a strong  deterrent  effect  on  bad,  passionate- 
tempered  masters  in  restraining  them  from  ill-treating  their 
slaves. 

Labour  is  not  regarded  as  a degradation,  and  those  who 
are  skilled  in  smithing,  canoe-making,  etc.,  not  only  become 
comparatively  wealthy,  but  are  regarded  with  great  respect 
on  account  of  their  skill.  Boys  like  to  accompany  their  fathers 
on  fishing  and  trading  expeditions  ; and  girls  go  with  their 
mothers  to  the  farms  as  soon  as  they  can  walk,  and  toy  hoes 
are  given  them  to  play  with  while  on  the  farm.  These  journeys 
to  the  farms  or  to  the  fishing  camps  are  a change  to  the  young 
folk,  and  are  much  enjoyed  by  them. 

Among  the  Boloki  there  are  neither  markets  nor  market- 
places. If  a person  has  anything  for  sale  he  walks  through 
the  town  calling  out  its  name  like  a London  hawker.  Some- 
times a person  catches  a fish  that  is  taboo  to  him,  and  he  will 
hawk  it  through  the  town  to  try  to  exchange  it  for  another 
that  he  ean  eat. 

In  their  business  transactions  credit  is  frequently  given, 
and  for  sueh  credit  no  interest  is  expected.  To  recover  a 
debt  a creditor  first  duns  the  debtor  until  he  is  tired,  then  he 
breaks  the  pots  and  saucepans,  and  anything  he  finds  out- 
side the  debtor’s  house,  and  finishes  by  telling  him  that  on 
a certain  day  he  wll  call  again  for  the  money.  If  the  debtor 
then  fails  to  pay,  the  creditor  will  collect  a few  of  his  friends, 
and  together  they  will  go  and  lie  in  ambush  near  the  farms 

114 


DEBTOR  AND  CREDITOR 


until  a wife  of  the  debtor  comes  along,  when  they  will  pounce 
upon  her  and  take  her  to  their  town.  The  woman  will  kick, 
struggle,  and  scream  for  the  sake  of  appearances  ; but  she 
knows  that  she  will  be  lightly  tied  and  well  treated. 

The  debtor  will  hear  of  the  capture  of  his  wife,  and,  supposing 
he  owes  1000  brass  rods,  he  will  collect  the  money  as  quickly 
as  possible,  and  take  it  with  500  extra  rods,  which  he  will 
now  have  to  pay  to  his  creditor  to  compensate  him  and  his 
friends  for  the  trouble  of  tying  up  the  woman  and  the  cost 
of  feeding  her.  As  a woman  is  worth  nearly  3000  rods,  it  pays 
the  debtor  to  redeem  his  property  by  paying  his  debt  and  the 
sum  demanded  for  expenses. 

If  the  debt  is  for  1000  rods  the  creditor  may  tie  up  one  woman, 
but  if  he  ties  up  two  women  he  puts  himself  in  the  wrong, 
for  the  value  of  one  woman  more  than  covers  the  debt  and 
expenses.  If  the  debt  is  for  3000  or  4000  rods,  the  creditor 
may  capture  two  women,  and  so  in  proportion  to  the  debt. 
It  is  very  seldom  that  a woman  is  seized  for  any  sum  less  than 
500  rods.  If  the  debt  is  not  paid  within  a reasonable  time, 
the  creditor  can  keep  the  woman  as  his  wife,  or  if  she  happens 
to  be  a slave,  he  can  sell  her.  If  the  debtor  has  no  wives, 
then  a member,  or  members,  of  his  family  can  be  seized  on 
the  same  principle  as  shown  above.  Sometimes  a creditor 
will  tie  up  a person  belonging  to  the  town  of  his  debtor ; but 
this  is  rarely  done  except  in  cases  of  hostility  between  the 
towns.  These  debts  are  generally  incurred  either  in  buying 
a large  canoe,  or  a wife,  or  in  losing  a lawsuit. 

A village  may  have  from  twenty  to  five  hundred  huts  in  it, 
and  even  more.  The  rows  of  houses  are  generally  built  in 
parallel  lines  to  the  river ; and  a head-man  possesses  one  or 
more  lines,  according  to  the  size  of  his  family  or  clan.  He  may 
have  many  wives,  slaves  and  their  wives,  “ pawns,”  and  de- 
pendents, and  consequently  own  several  rows  of  houses ; or 
he  may  be  the  eldest  of  several  brothers  who  with  their  wives, 
slaves,  etc.,  jointly  own  several  rows  of  dwellings.  The  former 
head-man  is  a greater  man  than  the  latter,  he  has  more  prestige 

115 


RULES  FOR  FIGHTING 

in  the  town,  and  has  greater  influence  in  its  palavers,  for  such 
a man  is  the  head  of  a powerful  family,  each  unit  of  which 
may  number  more  than  the  brothers,  their  wives,  and  slaves 
put  together. 

The  m6o/ba= village,  town,  locality,  may  consist  of  from 
20  to  150  families,  numbering  anything  up  to  2000  or  3000 
people,  or  it  may  mean  only  one  or  two  families  not  numbering 
more  than  50  or  60  people  ; but  it  does  not  matter  how  large 
or  how  small  the  mboka  is,  it  is  independent,  self-governing, 
and  recognizes  no  over-lord.  There  is  the  head  of  the  family, 
whose  word  is  law  to  his  own  relatives  and  immediate  de- 
pendents living  in  his  section  of  the  town.  Then  there  are 
the  heads  of  the  families  who  meet  together  to  arrange  the 
affairs  of  the  town,  and  to  decide  on  any  course  of  action 
in  relation  to  the  neighbouring  towns.  Some  are  heads  of 
larger  and  richer  families  than  others ; and  such  men  neces- 
sarily have  more  influence,  and  their  words  carry  greater 
weight  than  the  utterances  of  poorer  and  smaller  men.  The 
lives  of  the  people  are  rendered  pleasant,  or  otherwise,  accord- 
ing to  the  temper  and  ambitions  of  these  head-men. 

The  various  families  forming  a town  live,  as  a rule,  at  peace 
with  each  other ; and  if  there  is  a dispute  they  try  to  settle  it 
by  “ holding  a palaver.”  But  if  the  quarrel  develops  into 
a fight,  then  sticks  are  the  weapons  used,  as  guns  and  spears 
are  rarely,  if  ever,  brought  out  in  these  miniature  “ civil 
wars.”  They  combine  as  a whole  against  a common  foe. 

The  family  that  causes  the  quarrel  leads  the  van  in  a war, 
and  if  only  the  offended  family  attacks  the  offending  family, 
the  other  families  of  the  offender’s  town  stand  armed  ready 
to  defend  their  dependents  and  property,  should  the  offenders 
prove  unable  to  repulse  the  attack.  But  if  the  offended  family 
brings  the  several  families  of  its  town  to  attack  the  offenders, 
then  the  other  head-men  and  their  followers  will  join  to  repel 
the  attack,  for  it  is  no  longer  a quarrel  between  two  families  of 
different  towns,  but  a fight  between  town  and  town.  Thus 
a family  combines  to  fight  a family,  and  a town  to  fight  a town, 

116 


THE  EVENING  MEAL 


and  I have  known  one  case  in  which  a district  joined  its  forces 
to  fight  a district. 

The  evening  meal  is  practically  the  only  meal  of  the  day, 
and  every  effort  is  made  to  render  it  as  tasty  as  possible  with 
the  limited  ingredients  at  the  disposal  of  the  woman  cook. 
Cassava  figures  as  the  principal  article  in  every  menu  ; and 
for  this  meal  it  is  commonly  prepared  by  soaking  it  for  three 
days,  and  then  after  peeling,  coring,  and  dividing  it  into 
quarters,  it  is  steamed,  and  comes  out  looking  white  and 
appetizing.  Either  fish,  or  meat  when  procurable,  is  stewed 
in  a small  saucepan  or  roasted  over  the  fire,  or  wrapped  in 
leaves  and  covered  with  red-hot  embers  ; but  if  there  is  neither 
fish  nor  meat,  then  a sauce  of  pounded  leaves,  red  peppers, 
and  palm-oil  is  concocted,  and  the  whole  is  washed  down 
with  gulps  of  water.  They  prefer  to  keep  sugar-cane  vine 
for  their  drinking-bouts  and  for  their  cannibal  feasts,  the  latter, 
in  their  view,  demanding  something  better  than  water. 

The  food  is  served  first  to  the  elders  (male),  and  if  visitors 
are  present  they  take  precedence  according  to  their  age. 
As  a rule  the  members  of  a family  are  polite  to  one  another,  and 
any  departure  from  the  usual  forms  of  courtesy  is  regarded 
with  disapprobation  by  the  other  members  of  the  family. 
Guests  are  treated  with  hospitality,  and  are  protected  by  the 
family  they  are  visiting ; and  I never  knew  a guest  come  to 
harm  during  a visit.  Men  and  women  do  not  eat  together, 
as  it  is  accounted  immodest  and  indecent  for  a woman  to  eat 
with  a man  ; and  it  is  infra  dig.  for  a man  to  partake  of  his 
food  with  a woman.  They  eat  by  themselves  at  some 
little  distance,  and  usually  out  of  sight  and  hearing  of  the 
men. 

In  dividing  food,  such  as  meat  or  fish,  the  one  who  divides 
it  takes  the  portion  left  after  all  the  others  have  selected 
their  shares,  and  in  this  way  they  have  a guarantee  that 
all  the  portions  are  equal  in  size  and  quality.  If  a saucepan 
of  fish  and  another  of  cassava  are  put  before  five  or  six  persons 
for  them  to  eat,  no  division  is  made,  but  all  help  themselves 

117 


GREEDINESS  CONDEMNED 

from  the  same  saucepans,  yet  each  will  be  very  careful  not  to 
eat  more  than  his  fair  share.  But  when  a fish,  or  a lump  of 
meat,  is  given  to  half  a dozen  men,  or  women,  they  appoint 
one  to  divide  it  into  six  lots,  and  the  one  to  whom  this  very 
doubtful  honour  is  given  is  careful  to  make  all  the  lots  equal — 
in  bone,  flesh,  and  fat — for  he  knows  that  the  others  will  choose 
their  portions  before  himself.  Any  greediness  is  condemned, 
and  if  persisted  in  others  will  refuse  to  eat  with  the  offender, 
and  he  becomes  an  object  of  ridicule  to  the  rest  of  the  family 
and  in  the  village. 

The  following  story,  which  I often  heard  related  around 
their  evening  fires,  will  well  illustrate  how  the  natives  regarded 
any  greediness  about  food  : 

“ Mokwete  possessed  a large  number  of  wives  ; and  one  day 
he  made  a trap  and  eventually  snared  an  animal  which  he 
carried  to  his  town  and  told  his  wives  to  cook.  When  they 
had  cooked  the  meat  they  took  him  his  share,  and  reserved 
a portion  for  themselves.  Mokwete  ate  his  meat  alone,  but 
it  did  not  satisfy  him,  for  having  so  many  wives  the  portion 
of  meat  that  fell  to  him  was  rather  small. 

“ By  and  by  he  killed  another  animal,  and  he  said  to  him- 
self : ‘ I kill  plenty  of  animals,  but  get  very  little  meat  for 
myself,  because  my  wives  are  so  numerous.’  When  he  reached 
the  forest  near  his  town  he  disguised  his  voice  and  shouted : 
‘ Wives  of  Mokwete,  wives  of  Mokwete.’ 

“ They  answered,  ‘ E ! ’ thinking  it  was  a spirit  calling  them 
from  the  bush. 

“ Then  he  said  : ‘ When  your  husband  comes  with  meat, 
you  must  not  eat  any  of  it ; if  you  do,  you  will  die.’ 

“ In  a little  time  he  picked  up  the  animal  and  went  on 
to  the  town.  The  women  cooked  the  meat  and  brought  it 
all  to  him.  He  asked  them  why  they  had  not  taken  any  of 
it,  and  they  told  him  what  they  had  heard  from  one  of  the 
bush  spirits.  Mokwete  ate  all  the  meat,  was  well  filled,  and 
congratulated  himself  on  the  success  of  the  ruse.  He  repeated 
this  trick  again  and  again. 


118 


2^ 


I 


OF  Boloki  Women  at  Mobeka 


THE  VILLAGE  DANCE 


“ One  day  Mokwete’s  son  went  into  the  bush,  and  while 
there  he  heard  the  sound  of  someone  coming,  so  he  hid  himself. 
In  a little  time  a man  arrived  and  threw  something  with  a 
thud  to  the  ground,  and  then  he  heard  a voice  say  : ‘ Wives  of 
Mokwete,  wives  of  Mokwete,  when  your  husband  comes 
with  meat  you  must  not  eat  it ; if  you  do,  you  will  die.’ 

“ The  lad,  on  looking  out,  saw  that  it  was  his  father  who 
was  deceiving  his  mothers,  and  keeping  him  and  the  other 
children  from  having  their  proper  share  of  the  meat.  He  hurried 
home  and  told  his  mothers  all  that  he  had  seen  and  heard, 
but  they  disputed  his  word.  However,  one  of  them  went  to 
look,  and  saw  that  it  was  really  the  husband  who  had  been 
telling  them  not  to  eat  the  meat.  She  went  and  told  the  others, 
and  they  decided  to  run  away. 

“ While  Mokwete  was  out  hunting  one  day,  his  wives  broke 
their  saucepans,  put  out  their  fires  and  fled  ; and  upon  reaching 
their  various  towns  they  told  their  families  why  they  had  left 
their  husband — on  account  of  his  greediness — and  everybody 
justified  them.” 

Now  Mokwete  would  return  to  a fireless  hearth,  an  empty 
village,  and  no  one  to  cook  for  him  and  wait  on  him.  And 
I have  heard  the  folk  snap  their  fingers,  and  say  : “ Mokwete 
was  well  punished,”  and  there  was  no  one  to  pity  him.  “ When 
a man  buys  a fish  or  a piece  of  meat  he  should  share  it  with 
the  wife  who  cooks  it  for  him  ; and  when  he  kills  an  animal  he 
should  share  it  with  all  his  wives.”  The  children  received 
their  share  of  meat  or  fish  through  their  mothers. 

While  the  hearth  is  the  centre  of  a woman’s  family  life, 
for  her  children  (if  she  is  fortunate  enough  to  have  any)  will 
gather  around  it  at  sundown  to  watch  the  bubbling  sauce- 
pans on  the  fire,  and  her  husband  may  occasionally  be  found 
there  playing  with  his  youngsters,  or  chatting  to  his  wife, 
yet  the  dance  is  the  real  centre  and  expression  of  the  social 
life  of  the  village.  Is  there  a death  ? Then  relatives  and  friends 
will  show  their  sympathy,  not  by  sitting  around  talking  over 
the  good  qualities  of  the  departed,  but  by  dancing  their  best 

119 


THE  IMPROMPTU  DANCE 

and  chanting  the  praises  of  him  who  has  so  lately  gone  to  that 
mysterious  longa,  or  nether  regions,  where  all  spirits  find  their 
home  for  a time.  And  standing  round  the  funeral  dances  will 
be  the  whole  village,  applauding  the  agile  or  chaffing  the 
awkward.  Is  there  a marriage  ? Then  relatives  and  boon 
companions  of  the  old  bachelor  days  are  invited,  and  after 
the  feast  a dance  is  arranged,  and  although  some  of  the  legs 
will  be  unsteady,  through  too  much  sugar-cane  wine,  yet  all 
present,  both  dancers  and  spectators,  will  be  in  a jovial  mood. 

On  moonlight  nights  the  drums  will  be  brought  out,  reed 
rattles,  ferret  bells,  and  anything  else  that  wall  tinkle,  will 
be  tied  around  the  ankles,  the  men  and  women  will  form  lines 
opposite  each  other,  and  for  hours  the  dancers  will  jump, 
twist,  and  wriggle  to  and  fro  in  the  most  approved  fashion 
to  the  tap,  tap,  or  boom,  boom  of  the  rhythmic  drum.  All 
distinctions  are  forgotten  for  the  time  being.  The  skilled 
and  the  unskilled,  the  poor  and  the  rich,  the  slave  and  the  free, 
are  all  mixed  in  indistinguishable  confusion.  It  is  the  best 
dancer,  be  he  poor  and  a slave,  who  is  the  cynosure  of  all 
eyes  and  the  object  of  all  their  praises.  And  as  the  dance 
proceeds  the  dancers  sing  in  unison  some  recitativ'e  song, 
while  the  onlookers  keep  time  to  song  and  dance  by  clapping 
their  hands  and  swaying  their  bodies  to  and  fro. 

The  greedy  man,  the  coward,  the  thief,  the  scamp  who 
disregards  the  feelings  of  others  and  rides  rough-shod  over 
the  social  and  communal  customs,  the  man  who  is  accused 
of  witchcraft  and  refuses  to  take  the  ordeal,  and  the  incestuous, 
are  all  put  into  the  songs  which  are  sung  at  these  village 
dances  ; and  there  is  no  more  powerful  factor  in  influencing 
the  native  to  good  and  evil,  inciting  him  to  reckless  bravery, 
or  deterring  him  from  committing  some  foolish  deed,  than  to 
put  his  name  into  an  impromptu  song  at  a village  dance. 
The  paragraph  in  our  newspaper  is  read  by  comparatively 
few  people,  and  only  a small  percentage  of  those  who  read  it 
know  the  person  mentioned  ; but  the  song  is  sung,  night  after 
night,  by  all  the  village — the  very  neighbours  of  the  one  thus 

120 


ITS  EFFECT  ON  VARIOUS  PEOPLE 

held  up  to  ridicule  or  honour.  The  village  song  inspires  the 
daring  deeds  in  time  of  war,  it  brands  and  shames  the  cowards, 
it  considerably  restrains  the  rascals,  and  maddens  to  the  verge 
of  suicide  the  fool  who  so  badly  treats  his  wives  that  they  run 
away  and  leave  him  a cold  hearth  by  which  to  sit. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

MARRIAGE  AND  CHILD-BEARING 

Young  girls  betrothed — The  bespoke  money — Marriage  money — Dressing 
the  new  wife — A large  looking-glass — A woman  can  choose  her  husband — 
Divorce — No  great  desire  for  children — Storage  for  baby  spirits — Treat- 
ment of  twins — Snake  omen — Woman’s  totem — The  mother-in-law — 
Polygamy  and  its  results— Monogamy  and  its  results— Better  morality — 
More  children— Purer  women— Better  home-life. 

Young  girls  and  even  babies  are  betrothed  in  marriage, 
and  payments  made  for  them  long  before  they  are  old 
enough  either  to  understand  the  contract  or  give  their 
consent.  On  the  marriage  money  being  completed  the  man 
takes  a brass  bracelet,  and  in  the  presence  of  witnesses  he 
puts  it  on  the  child’s  arm,  saying,  “ This  is  my  wife.”  When 
the  girl  arrives  at  a suitable  age,  and  sometimes  even  before 
puberty,  she  is  taken  by  her  parents,  together  with  some 
sugar-cane  wine,  to  her  husband,  and  handed  over  to  him  ; 
and  on  the  man  giving  the  parents  a present  the  transaction 
is  completed.  Should,  however,  the  child  die,  another  is 
put  in  her  place  ; but  if  that  is  impossible,  the  money  is  re- 
turned. Sometimes  a girl  objects  to  being  handed  over  in 
this  way  to  a man  whom  she  dislikes,  and  if  her  protests 
are  disregarded  she  will  run  away  to  a neighbouring  town 
and  select  her  own  husband,  if  she  has  not  already  done  so, 
and  the  parents  will  have  to  make  the  best  bargain  they  can 
in  the  way  of  marriage  money  with  their  new  son-in-law. 
They  would  be  at  an  obvious  disadvantage,  as  their  customer 
would  already  be  in  possession  of  the  “ goods.” 

122 


THE  BESPOKE  MONEY 


If  a man  in  search  of  a wife  sees  an  unattached  young 
woman  whom  he  likes  he  may  speak  to  the  girl  or  to  her 
father  first,  and  if  they — the  girl  and  her  parents — are  agree- 
able, he  will  call  his  friends  as  witnesses  and  go  to  the  father’s 
house.  The  girl  will  then  be  called  out,  and  the  man  will  take 
his  spear,  and  going  into  the  centre  of  the  crowd  he  will  stick 
the  spear  in  the  ground,  and  say : “ If  the  girl  loves  me,  let 
her  pull  up  the  spear.”  Thereupon  the  girl  Avill  step  forward, 
and  pulling  up  the  spear  she  will  carry  it  to  her  father,  saying, 
“ Namojinga  ”=I  love  him. 

When  the  girl  has  pulled  up  the  spear,  the  man  has  to  pay 
the  “ bespoke  ” money — a hoe,  an  axe,  a blanket,  a looking- 
glass,  a matchet,  and  a few  other  odds  and  ends — to  the 
head  of  the  girl’s  family.  The  girl  is  then  reserved  for  him 
until  such  time  as  he  can  pay  the  whole,  or  the  larger  part  of 
the  marriage  money — equal  to  about  £10,  which  is  approxi- 
mately the  cost  of  two  male  and  two  female  slaves.  In  the 
meantime  he  can  give  the  girl  small  presents,  and  she  may  cook 
and  send  him  an  occasional  dish  of  food,  and  often  there  is 
cohabitation  before  marriage,  for  the  young  man  regards  the 
girl,  and  speaks  of  her,  as  his  wife. 

A free  man  marrying  a free  woman  will  have  to  give  her 
father  or  family  two  male  and  two  female  slaves,  and  neither 
brass  rods  nor  barter  goods  will  be  taken  in  lieu  of  them  ; 
but  as  there  are  so  many  debts  among  them  a person  will 
sometimes  (and  it  is  not  uncommon)  pay  this  “ marriage 
money  ” and  marry  without  a single  slave  actually  passing 
between  them ; i.e.  B wants  to  marry  A’s  daughter,  so  he  will 
go  to  C and  D,  who  each  owe  him  a slave,  and  will  take  them 
to  A,  who  accepts  them  as  his  debtors  ; then  B will  go  to  E and 
F,  who  each  owe  him  a female  slave,  and  these  debtors  of  B 
will  be  taken  to  A,  who  accepts  them  as  his  own  debtors  ; now 
C,  D,  E,  and  F have  no  slaves  they  want  to  part  with,  so  they, 
in  their  turn,  will  look  up  some  debtors  and  take  them  to  A, 
who  will  again  accept  these  new  parties  as  his  own  debtors. 
This  was  called  bwaka  nyungu= to  pass  on  or  throw  over  a 

123 


DRESSING  THE  NEW  WIFE 


debt  (or  credit  as  the  case  may  be)  from  one  to  another.  I 
have  known  more  than  one  case  in  which  the  father  of  the 
girl  has  had  the  debt  worked  gradually  back  to  himself,  and 
in  giving  his  daughter  in  marriage  he  has  received  nothing, 
but  has  paid  some  of  his  creditors. 

When  the  time  arrives  for  the  marriage  the  parents  take 
some  plantain,  cassava,  fish,  with  various  other  kinds  of  food, 
and  a calabash  or  jar  of  sugar-cane  wine,  and  together  with 
their  daughter  they  go  to  the  house  of  the  bridegroom  and 
hand  over  the  girl  by  putting  her  hand  in  the  man’s  hand  in 
the  presence  of  witnesses.  These  latter,  after  drinking  the 
wine  and  sharing  in  the  feast,  will  dance  in  honour  of  the 
occasion,  and  the  ceremony  is  completed.  The  food  and  wine, 
given  by  the  parents,  are  a proof  that  the  girl  is  not  sold  as 
a slave,  but  is  given  in  marriage  as  a free  woman. 

During  the  time  the  man  is  collecting  the  marriage  money 
he  will  build  a house,  if  he  does  not  already  possess  one,  and 
the  girl,  under  the  supervision  of  her  mother,  will  prepare  a 
farm.  After  the  ceremony  described  above  is  over,  the  girl 
borrows  all  the  finery  she  can  of  her  female  friends,  decorates 
herself  with  palm-oil  and  camw'ood  powder,  and  for  two  or 
three  weeks  walks  about  the  towui  with  her  husband — a sign 
to  all  that  she  is  now  his  Avife.  If  the  man  has  already  a few 
wives,  they  will  help  to  “ dress  her  ” by  the  loan  of  their  own 
trinkets,  and  will  lead  her  about  the  town  as  a proof  that 
she  is  now  a fellow-wife  and  belongs  to  their  husband. 

Hanging  on  the  wall  in  my  dining-room  was  a looking-glass 
15  inches  wide  by  18  inches  high  ; it  w'as  probably  the  largest 
looking-glass  in  that  part  of  Africa,  and  it  w'as  one  of  the 
“ sights  ” of  the  district.  Frequently  while  sitting  in  my  study 
I would  hear  the  shuffling  of  many  feet  and  much  giggling. 
On  going  into  the  dining-room  I would  see  perhaps  eight  or 
ten  women  all  laughing  and  nudging  one  another,  and  there 
in  the  centre  right  before  the  glass  would  be  a well-decorated 
woman  wriggling  about  in  her  vain  attempt  to  see  both  sides 
of  herself  at  once.  It  was  a new  wife  whom  the  older  wives 


124 


A LARGE  LOOKING-GLASS 


had  brought  to  view  herself  in  the  white  man’s  looking-glass. 
In  the  “ trade  looking-glass  ” she  could  only  see  small  sections 
of  herself,  but  in  this  large  one  she  had  an  expansive  view  of 
the  whole  “ landscape,”  and  her  remarks  of  wonder  and  sur- 
prise were  causing  the  onlookers  to  giggle  and  to  excite  her 
to  greater  efforts  to  procure  broader  views  of  herself.  They 
exhibited  no  jealousy,  but  regarded  her  as  an  acquisition — 
the  new  wife  being  one  more  to  help  keep  the  husband. 

During  this  period  the  man  buys  all  the  food,  but  when 
the  “ honeymoon  ” is  over  the  girl  takes  up  her  farm-work 
and  settles  down  to  ordinary  life.  From  that  time  she  brings 
home  each  afternoon  some  of  her  farm  produce  to  prepare 
for  her  own  and  her  husband’s  evening  meal.  The  husband, 
however,  must  find  her  the  fish  for  such  meals  as  he  partakes 
with  her,  and  should  he  have  a quantity  of  meat  he  must 
be  willing  to  share  it  with  his  wives. 

For  the  poor  slave  woman  there  are  no  preliminary  gifts, 
no  “ bespoke  ” money,  no  wedding  feast  and  dance,  and  no 
“ honeymoon.”  The  sum  agreed  upon  is  paid,  and  the  slave 
woman  is  taken  to  her  new  owner’s  house,  or  given  as  a farm 
help  to  his  favourite  wife.  The  children  of  such  a marriage 
are  called  semi-slave,  indicating  that  one  of  the 

parents  is  a slave.  If  a man  cannot  afford  to  pay  the  marriage 
money  for  a free  wife,  or  even  to  buy  a slave,  he  can  hire 
a slave  as  his  wife,  and  any  children  born  to  them  belong 
to  the  owner  of  the  slave  woman  and  not  to  the  father  and 
mother.  Or  a man  will  sometimes  borrow  a wife  of  another 
man  for  three  or  six  months,  and  will  pay  a fixed  sum  according 
to  the  length  of  time  he  has  her ; but  any  children  born  of 
such  an  arrangement  belong  to  the  real  husband  of  the  woman. 

A man  can  marry  as  many  women  as  he  can  find  the  marriage 
money  for,  but  to  eaeh  he  must  give  a house,  and  all  his  free 
wives  have  equal  rights.  His  slave  wives  are  simply  slaves, 
and  he  can  sell  or  kill  them  just  as  he  pleases.  Polygamy 
is  very  general,  and  monogamy  is  the  result  of  poverty.  Free 
men,  as  a rule,  do  not  marry  slaves ; but  the  slave  woman 

125 


A WOMAN  CAN  CHOOSE  HER  HUSBAND 


is  given  in  marriage  to  the  slave  man,  and  she  thus  helps  to 
make  him  contented  with  his  lot  in  the  town  and  tribe ; she 
keeps  him  in  food  and  increases  the  wealth  of  her  master  by 
bearing  children,  who  are  slaves  and  the  property  of  her 
owner. 

Wlien  a free  woman  does  not  want  to  marry  the  man  who 
is  trying  to  arrange  for  her,  she  will  tell  him  frankly  that 
if  he  persists  in  marrying  her,  she  will  run  away  from  him. 
But  if,  in  spite  of  this  threat,  he  completes  the  arrangements, 
then  a few  days  after  the  marriage  she  will  escape  to  a neigh- 
bouring town  and  put  herself  under  the  protection  of  the 
chief  by  tearing  his  cloth.  The  chief  then  gives  the  husband 
notice  of  what  has  happened,  and  before  he  can  claim  his  wife 
he  has  to  pay  the  chief  600  brass  rods = 39s.  as  compensation 
for  his  torn  cloth.  If  the  husband  does  not  then  permit  her 
to  marry  the  man  she  wants,  she  runs  away  again  and  again, 
and  every  time  she  runs  it  will  cost  her  husband  600  brass 
rods.  A sensible  man  will  take  warning  by  the  first  threat, 
and  will  not  complete  the  marriage. 

If  a free  woman  is  badly  treated  by  her  husband,  she  will 
resort  to  the  above  method  of  making  him  pay  for  his  ill- 
treatment  of  her,  and  will  thus  force  him  to  use  her  more 
kindly.  There  is  also  a more  drastic  way  of  punishing  a husband 
for  outrageous  conduct  towards  his  wife.  After  repeated 
complaints  of  his  ill-usage  she  will  run  to  the  witch-doctor 
and  smash  his  ehoko,  or  saucepan  of  “ medicine,”  and  in  so 
doing  she  will  commit  a great  offence.  The  witch-doctor  will 
hold  her  until  the  husband  redeems  her  by  the  gift  of  a slave, 
and  the  payment  of  a large  sum  to  replace  the  ehoko  and  make 
fresh  “ medicine.”  Having  paid  the  money — for  she  is  worth 
more  than  the  total  value  of  the  slave  and  the  brass  rods — 
he  will  treat  his  wife  better  in  future,  or  she  will  again  break 
the  ehoko.  A slave  woman  who  runs  away  to  a chief  will  be 
brought  back,  and  her  master  will  beat,  kill  her,  or  sell  her  right 
out  of  the  district,  so  it  is  wiser  for  her  to  run  right  beyond 
his  reach  in  the  first  instance.  I have  known  women  who 


126 


THE  WITCH-DOCTOR 


successfully  carried  out  these  various  modes  of  punishing 
their  abusive,  bad-tempered  husbands ; and  undoubtedly 
the  fact  that  the  women  can  and  will  make  their  husbands 
pay  in  this  way  renders  life  more  tolerable  for  them.  Without 
some  such  system  the  wife’s  lot  would  be  terrible  and  im- 
possible. 

Breaking  the  eboko,  or  “ medicine  ” saucepan,  answers 
another  purpose  : a man’s  wife  has  been  stolen  from  him, 
and  all  other  means  having  failed  to  regain  her,  he  goes  to 
the  witch-doctor,  tears  his  cloth  and  breaks  the  eboko.  This 
action  calls  attention  to  the  case  and  arouses  widespread 
interest.  The  witch-doctor  must  now  take  up  the  case,  or 
he  will  lose  his  dignity  as  a witch-doctor,  and  folk  will  lose 
their  respect  and  fear  for  his  eboko.  So  he  places  himself 
at  the  head  of  a movement  to  punish  the  wife-stealer,  and  the 
men  who  would  not  help  the  husband  volunteer  to  fight  under 
the  witch-doctor  ; and  when  the  woman  is  captured  the  husband 
has  to  pay  heavy  damages  for  tearing  the  cloth,  breaking  the 
eboko,  and  for  the  help  of  the  witch-doctor  in  the  fight.  The 
husband  will  then  try  to  recover  all  the  damages  from  the 
stealer  of  his  wife.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  both  to  the 
husband  and  to  the  wife,  there  is  such  a force  available 
in  their  utter  need.  Here  and  there  a man  treats  his  wife 
with  kindness  and  consideration,  and  he  sometimes  displays 
an  affection  for  her  that  is  pleasing  to  the  onlooker  and  an 
encouragement  to  those  who  are  working  for  the  uplifting 
of  the  race,  for  it  shows  of  what  the  men  are  capable ; but  to 
the  majority  of  the  men  the  wife  is  a passing  fancy,  a brief 
passion  which  is  quickly  extinguished,  and  all  that  remains  to 
warm  their  hearts,  and  keep  them  faithful  to  each  other, 
are  the  cold,  charred  embers  of  a bare  toleration  for  one  another. 

Above  the  age  of  five  years  it  is  impossible  to  find  a girl 
who  is  a virgin,  and  it  has  been  difficult  to  find  a word  for 
virgin  in  the  Congo  languages.  The  only  thing  a man  can  do 
is  to  see  that  his  wife  does  not  commit  adultery  after  he  has 
married  her,  without  his  consent  and  receiving  due  compensa- 

127 


DIVORCE 

tion  for  it.  Should  she  do  so,  then  the  adulterer  is  punished, 
but  the  wonian  goes  free.  If  she  were  punished  she  would 
not  confess,  and  without  her  confession  the  husband  is  not 
able  to  enforce  the  fine  on  the  lover.  A woman’s  word  is 
always  taken  against  the  man’s  most  solemn  oath.  I have 
a very  strong  suspicion  that  this  power  is  often  abused,  (a) 
by  the  woman  to  pay  off  a grudge  against  someone  who  has 
slighted  her,  and  also  to  be  regarded  by  the  other  women  of 
the  town  as  one  after  whom  the  men  run  ; (6)  by  the  husband 
as  a means  of  replenishing  an  empty  purse — the  fine  being 
shared  by  the  husband  and  wife.  There  are  undoubtedly 
women  who  remain  faithful  to  their  husbands ; and  there  are 
men  who  treat  their  wives  with  kindness  and  consideration, 
but  from  what  I observed  they  are  very  few  indeed.  Some- 
times in  anger  two  men  will  exchange  their  wives,  especially 
if  one  man’s  wife  is  continually  running  after  the  other  man. 

If  a woman  does  not  know,  or  will  not  perform,  her  duties 
properly  as  a wife,  i.e.  will  not  farm,  cook,  etc.,  the  man  can 
take  her  back  to  her  family  and  receive  in  return  the  marriage 
money  he  gave  for  her  to  her  family  ; but  not  the  “ bespoke  ” 
money.  Should  she  die  within  a few  years  of  her  marriage  the 
husband  can  claim  another  woman,  or  the  return  of  the  marriage 
money,  for  his  view  is  that  a faulty  article  has  been  supplied 
to  him. 

When  a free  woman  wants  to  leave  her  husband,  or  have 
a divorce  from  him,  she  sends  a “ token  ” to  the  man  of  her 
choice,  who,  if  desirous  of  possessing  her,  goes  to  the  husband 
and  tries  to  arrange  the  matter.  If  the  husband  acts  un- 
reasonably in  his  demands — wants  too  much  marriage  money, 
or  desires  the  whole  sum  down  at  once — then  she  resorts  to 
the  expedient  of  escaping  to  a neighbouring  chief  (as  mentioned 
above),  and  the  husband  is  quickly  brought  to  his  senses. 
Should  the  “ token  ” sent  be  returned,  she  knows  that  the 
man  does  not  want  her,  and  if  her  family  are  unwilling,  or 
unable  through  poverty,  to  return  the  marriage  money,  or 
think  she  is  unreasonable  in  seeking  a divorce,  she  has  to 

128 


NO  GREAT  DESIRE  FOR  CHILDREN 


remain  with  her  husband.  To  run  away,  without  just  cause, 
to  another  town,  is  to  make  her  name  a byword  among  her 
acquaintances,  and  the  native  is  very  sensitive  to  public 
opinion,  as  we  tried  to  show  in  the  chapter  on  Social 
Life. 

We  have  not  found  the  same  desire  for  children,  on  the  part 
of  the  women,  as  we  observed  on  the  Lower  Congo.  This 
may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  on  the  Lower  Congo 
the  law  of  mother-right  is  in  full  force,  and  consequently 
all  the  children  belong  to  the  mother  and  her  family  ; while 
on  the  Upper  Congo  father-right  is  the  general  custom,  and 
the  children  belonging  to  the  father,  the  mother  has  no  par- 
ticular interest  in  them. 

The  beliefs  of  a tribe  considerably  affect  their  point  of  view, 
and  this  is  seen  in  nothing  more  emphatically  than  in  their 
beliefs  about  child-bearing.  On  the  Lower  Congo  a non- 
child-bearing woman  is  the  butt  of  the  town’s  ridicule,  she 
is  sneered  at,  pointed  at  by  all  the  other  women,  and  is  the 
object  of  their  scorn.  She  feels  degraded  in  the  eyes  of  all, 
and  however  much  she  may  blame  her  husband,  or  may 
try  to  prove  that  she  is  bewitched,  yet  her  shame  is  bitterly 
felt  and  resented.  She  has  failed  ignominiously  in  her  one 
paramount  duty  to  her  family.  Her  sterility  is  the  constant 
theme  of  her  husband’s  bickerings ; and  when  everything 
else  fails  to  quicken  her  or  stop  her  nagging  tongue,  he  has 
only  to  hint  at  this  abnormal  disability  and  she  is  choked 
with  chagrin  and  almost  ready  to  commit  suicide. 

Now  on  the  Upper  Congo  among  the  Boloki  it  appears  that 
every  family  has  what  is  called  a liboma,  it  may  be  a pool 
in  the  bush,  or  in  the  forest,  or  on  an  island  ; it  may  be  a creek, 
or  it  may  be  a Bombax  cotton  tree  ; but  wherever  the  liboma 
may  be  it  is  regarded  as  the  preserve  of  the  unborn  children 
of  the  family.  The  disembodied  spirits  (mingoli)  of  the  de- 
ceased members  of  the  family  performed  the  duty  of  supplying 
these  preserves  with  spirit-children  to  keep  their  families 
strong  and  numerous.  They  have  very  misty  ideas  as  to 

129 


I 


TREATMENT  OF  TWINS 


how  these  liboma  are  supplied  with  the  spirit-children  (or 
bingbongbo),  but  I have  a suspicion  that  underlying  the  liboma 
is  some  idea  of  reincarnation — some  thought  there  was  a re- 
birth of  certain  deceased  members  of  the  family,  and  others 
thought  that  the  disembodied  spirits  had  spirit-children, 
and  these  were  sent  to  the  liboma  to  be  endowed  in  due  time 
with  bodies. 

Now  if  a man  does  not  have  a child  by  his  wife,  then  she 
is  simply  barren  (they  always  think  it  is  the  fault  of  the  woman), 
but  there  are  no  sneers,  and  no  shame.  The  woman  takes  her 
sister  to  her  husband,  that  he  may  have  a child  by  her.  But 
if  a man  has  one  child  by  a wife,  and  no  more,  he  thinks 
someone  has  bewitched  his  liboma  by  taking  the  family’s 
stock  of  children  from  it  and  hiding  them  ; or,  it  may  be  that 
the  other  members  of  the  family  have  bewitched  her  so  that 
she  may  not  be  able  to  procure  another  child  from  the  liboma, 
that  there  might  be  more  for  themselves  ; if,  however,  none 
of  the  family  have  more  than  one  child  by  their  wives,  then 
some  other  family,  through  hatred  or  jealousy,  has  taken  by 
witchcraft  the  children  from  their  liboma  and  concealed  them, 
for  only  the  family  to  which  the  liboma  belongs  can  give  birth 
to  the  unborn  infant  spirits  there. 

Tuvins  are  not  frequent,  but  when  they  do  arrive  they  demand 
proper  treatment  and  entail  more  than  ordinary  care  in  the 
observance  of  certain  duties.  Three  days  after  the  birth  of 
twins  {masa)  the  mother  takes  them  in  her  arms  and  dances 
in  front  of  her  house  before  her  neighbours,  who  join  in  a 
chorus  in  which  they  sing  over  and  over  again  : “ Masa  e 
maolela  ”=the  twins  cry  for  you.  The  mother  is  decorated 
with  leaves,  sprays,  and  twigs,  the  same  as  for  an  ordinary 
birth.  These  are  made  into  garlands  for  her  head,  stuck  into 
her  waist-belt,  and  fixed  on  her  wherever  it  is  possible.  At  this 
ceremony  the  names  are  given,  which  are  the  same  for  every 
pair  of  twins,  and  these  names  are  retained  through  life. 
Other  folk  may  change  their  names  according  to  fancy,  but 
twins  never.  The  first-born  is  always  known  as  Nkumu,  and 

130 


SNAKE  OMEN 


the  second  as  Mpeya,  and  whenever  you  hear  either  of  these 
names  you  know  at  once  that  the  bearer  is  one  of  twins. 

The  first-born  of  twins  is  always  carried  on  the  right  arm, 
and  the  second  on  the  left  arm.  Whenever  the  mother  replies 
to  a salutation  she  must  give  two  answers,  one  for  each  child  ; 
and  should  she  greet  anyone  she  must  duplicate  her  greeting, 
that  each  child  may  be  recognized.  She  carries  the  dual 
idea  further  than  that,  for  she  must  eat,  not  with  one  hand, 
but  with  both,  that  each  child  may  be  properly  nourished. 
Presents  are  given  in  duplicate,  or  the  child  not  receiving 
a present  will  fret,  become  ill,  and  die  ; and  the  sickness  or 
death  of  either  child  is  supposed  to  arise  from  carelessness 
in  the  observance  of  these  rules.  The  twins  are  expected  to 
cry  together,  rejoice  together,  and  should  they  lack  unanimity 
in  either  of  these  functions  of  rejoicing  or  sorrowing  together, 
it  is  because  one  is  sulky  on  account  of  one  or  other  of  the 
above  rules  having  been  broken.  When  one  of  the  twins  dies 
the  mother  borrows  a baby  of  the  same  age,  and  puts  it  with 
the  living  twin  that  it  may  not  fret. 

When  a man  finds  a snake  (called  Mwaladi,  a snake  with  red 
marks  on  it)  lying  by  his  side  when  he  awakes,  he  regards  it 
as  a sign  that  he  will  have  a child  by  his  wife  ; and  if  a woman 
lying  or  sitting  observes  the  same  snake  approaching  her, 
she  remains  quietly  in  her  position,  and  if  it  passes  near  her 
she  sprinkles  a little  camwood  powder  over  it,  and  regards 
it  as  an  omen  that  she  will  soon  become  a mother.  The  child 
born  after  such  an  augury  is  not  treated  with  any  special 
respect  or  interest,  and  no  special  name  is  given  to  it  as  on  the 
Lower  Congo. 

I found  that  when  a woman  married  she  brought  her  totem 
with  her,  and  then  not  only  observed  her  own  totem  but 
her  husband’s  also  ; and  the  child  born  to  them  took  the  totems 
of  both  parents  until  there  was  a council  of  both  families — the 
paternal  and  maternal  branches — and  then  it  was  generally 
arranged  that  the  child  should  observe  the  father’s  totem. 

One  day  I was  interested  in  watching  the  following  cere- 

131 


BOYS  AND  GIRLS 


mony  : The  women  of  the  village  had  rubbed  themselves  well 
with  camwood  powder,  they  had  also  decorated  their  bodies 
with  leaves,  and  tied  on  sashes  of  a creeper  with  small  leaves 
{nkokolemba),  and  danced  for  a considerable  time  to  the  sound 
of  drums,  then  the  lobe  of  the  right  ear  of  the  ehild  was  pierced. 
It  was  a boy,  for  if  it  had  been  a girl  the  left  lobe  would  have 
been  pierced  (the  left  is  always  a token  of  inferiority).  This 
ceremony  took  place  during  the  morning,  and  was  a sign  to 
the  boweya  spirit  that  that  child  belonged  to  a family  in  whose 
totem  the  spirit  was  specially  interested.  The  pierced  ear 
indicated  to  the  spirit  that  the  owner  had  a claim  on  its  help 
and  protection.  These  rites  were  only  observed  when  the 
family  possessed  a totem  that  had  a boweya  spirit  to  preside 
over  its  interests  and  health,  and  always  took  place  on  the 
fifth  day  after  the  birth  of  the  child. 

The  father  during  the  pregnancy  of  his  wife  is  prohibited 
certain  foods,  and  he  is  neither  to  hunt  nor  fish  during  the 
pregnancy  and  confinement  of  his  wife,  unless  she  goes  to 
a medicine  man  and  is  marked  with  different  coloured  pig- 
ments on  the  breast,  abdomen,  shoulders,  temple,  and  fore- 
head, and  wears  two  or  three  charms  ; these  ensure  for  her 
a good  delivery  and  a healthy  child,  and  also  allow  her  husband 
to  go  hunting  and  fishing.  The  food  prohibitions  vary 
considerably,  and  while  the  man  is  observing  these  taboos 
he  is  said  to  be  in  a state  of  liboi,  a noun  derived  from  the  verb 
bwa=to  be  confined,  to  deliver  of  a child.  It  is  very  probably 
a remnant  of  la  couvade.  They  have,  however,  no  tradition 
of  the  man  ever  having  taken  the  place  of  the  woman  by  lying 
in  bed  during  confinement. 

There  is  no  adoption  into  a family,  but  there  is  milk- 
brotherhood,  and  the  milk-brother  often  receives  a portion 
of  the  estate  ; and  there  is  also  milk-sisterhood,  and  when 
a woman  is  a milk-sister  it  is  permissible,  but  is  regarded  as 
very  irregular,  for  her  milk-brother  to  marry  her. 

There  are  two  names  given  to  illegitimate  children — mwana 
wa  ngangi= child  of  a mistress,  i.e.  a woman  who  has  been 

132 


THE  MOTHER-IN-LAW 


hired  from  her  husband  or  family  for  a fixed  period  at  a certain 
price ; and  mpampoka=a  child  whose  father  is  not  known. 
In  the  former  case  the  child  will  eventually  be  owned  by  the 
proper  husband  or  guardian  of  the  woman,  unless  the  lover 
made  other  arrangements,  that  is,  paid  a larger  fee,  at  the 
time  of  hiring  his  mistress  ; in  the  latter  case  the  child  will 
belong  to  the  woman,  and  hence  to  her  family,  and  in  both 
cases  the  child  will  remain  with  its  mother  until  it  is  ten  or 
twelve  years  of  age. 

Abortion  is  produced  by  the  drinking  of  a decoction  made 
by  boiling  kungubololo  leaves,  which  is  said  to  be  very  bitter, 
like  quinine.  Abortion  is  practised  to  avoid  the  trouble 
incurred  by  having  children,  or  from  hatred  towards  the  hus- 
band, whom  the  woman  may  desire  to  divorce  ; for  if  she  has 
any  children  by  him,  her  relationship  to  her  husband  is  so 
complicated  thereby  that  she  cannot  easily  leave  him  for 
another  man. 

When  a man  divorces  a wife  who  has  a child  of  tender 
years,  the  child  is  allowed  to  remain  with  her  until  he  or  she 
is  about  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age,  and  then  is  given  up  to 
the  father,  but  is  permitted  to  visit  the  mother  should  she  be 
living  in  a neighbouring  town  or  district.  The  father  has  the 
right  to  kill  his  own  child,  and  although  the  act  may  be  strongly 
condemned  by  his  neighbours  and  his  family,  yet  they  have 
no  power  to  punish  him,  though  it  may  be  a clear  case  of  murder. 
I may  say  that  I never  heard  of  a father  killing  his  child  while 
I lived  amongst  them ; but  the  natives  assured  me  that  there 
had  been  such  cases.  A father,  however,  would  not  hesitate 
to  pawn  his  children,  or  even  to  sell  them  into  slavery,  if  he 
were  in  dire  straits.  As  a rule  they  are  fairly  kind  to  their 
children,  even  to  over-indulgence,  for  it  is  rarely  that  they 
punish  them. 

Perhaps  this  will  be  the  best  place  in  which  to  make  a few 
remarks  on  the  mother-in-law.  She  and  her  son-in-law  may 
never  look  on  each  other’s  face.  I have  often  heard  a man 
say,  “ So-and-so,  your  mother-in-law  is  coming,”  and  the 

133 


POLYGAMY  AND  ITS  RESULTS 

person  addressed  would  run  into  my  house  and  hide  himself 
until  his  wife’s  mother  had  gone  by.  They  can  sit  at  a little 
distance  from  each  other,  with  their  backs  to  one  another, 
and  talk  over  affairs  when  necessary.  Bokilo  means  mother- 
in-law,  daughter-in-law,  brother-in-law,  father-in-law,  sister 
of  mother-in-law,  brother  of  father-in-law,  wife  of  wife’s 
brother,  and  in  fact  any  relation-in-law.  Bokilo,  the  noun,  is 
derived  from  kila= to  forbid,  prohibit,  taboo,  and  indicates 
that  all  bearing  the  relationship  of  bokilo  can  have  no  inti- 
mate relationship  with  one  another,  for  it  is  regarded  as  in- 
cestuous ; and  it  is  according  to  native  ideas  just  as  wrong  for 
a daughter-in-law  to  speak  or  look  at  her  husband’s  father,  as 
for  the  son-in-law  to  speak  or  look  at  his  wife’s  mother.  Some 
have  told  me  that  this  was  to  guard  against  all  possibility  of 
cohabitation,  “ For  a person  you  never  look  at  you  never 
desire.”  Others  have  said,  “ Well,  don’t  you  see,  my  wife 
came  from  her  womb.”  I am  strongly  inelined  to  the  opinion 
that  the  former  is  the  real  reason. 

I knew  a ease  in  which  a man  married  his  mother-in-law 
by  marriage.  The  woman  was  not  his  wife’s  mother,  but  his 
wife’s  father’s  wife,  and  as  sueh  was  his  mother-in-law.  I 
had  seen  him  avoid  her  many  times,  and  it  w'as  thus  evident 
that  all  the  wives  of  the  wife’s  father  are  regarded  as  joint- 
mothers  of  the  children,  and  hence  mothers-in-law.  His  wife’s 
father  died,  and  the  man  wanted  to  have  one  of  the  waives 
(i.e.  one  of  his  mothers-in-law)  as  his  own  wife,  so  he  arranged 
with  a friend  to  pay  the  marriage  money  and  take  her  as  his 
wife,  then  she,  by  that  marriage,  being  no  longer  his  mother- 
in-law,  he  was  able  to  take  her  as  his  own  wife.  He  there- 
upon paid  the  money  for  her  and  took  her  to  his  house. 

1 cannot  close  this  chapter  on  marriage  and  child-birth 
without  putting  on  record  my  observations  regarding  poly- 
gamy and  its  effects  on  the  Congo.  Polygamy  means  monopoly 
in  women,  and  causes  great  immorality  among  the  natives 
practising  it ; and  it  is  now  fast  dying  out  within  the  sphere 
of  our  influence  upon  the  Lower  Congo,  and  in  the  neighbour- 

134 


POLYGAMY  AND  ITS  RESULTS 


hood  of  our  stations  upon  the  Upper.  The  effect  of  polygamy 
was  to  tie  up  the  women  to  a comparatively  small  number 
of  men  who  were  fortunate  (?)  enough  to  inherit  them,  or 
had  procured  the  wealth  with  which  to  pay  their  marriage 
money.  There  was  a constant  complaint  amongst  the  young 
and  vigorous  men  of  the  middle  and  lower  orders  that  it  was 
almost  impossible  for  them  to  procure  wives.  Thus  we  found 
a small  number  of  men  possessing  nearly  all  the  women  in 
a town,  having  from  four  or  five  up  to  twenty-five  and  thirty 
each,  and  a large  number  of  young  men  who  could  not  secure 
wives.  Moreover,  these  wealthy  men,  besides  having  all 
these  wives,  had  bespoken  most  of  the  young  girls,  many  almost 
infants ; for  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  girls  of  three  or 
four  years  to  be  betrothed  to  men  of  forty  and  fifty  years  of 
age  ; and  as  soon  as  they  reached  puberty  the  marriage  money 
was  completed,  and  they  were  passed  over  to  their  already 
very  much  married  husbands. 

Now  my  observations  of  polygamy,  both  on  the  Lower 
and  Upper  Congo,  have  led  me  to  form  a decided  opinion  that 
it  does  not  conduce  to  productivity,  but  the  contrary.  Under 
this  system  I have  never  known  a large  family.  One  man 
had  eight  wives,  and  he  had  five  children  by  one  and  none  by 
the  others  ; another  had  ten  wives  and  no  children  ; another 
had  twenty-three  wives  and  only  one  child  ; another  twenty-five 
wives  and  three  children  only  ; another  who  had  eight  wives 
had  three  children.  Mapwata,  chief  of  Ntenta  in  French  Congo, 
had  forty  wives,  but  only  five  children.  In  Mfumu  Ngoma’s 
village  there  were  87  men,  67  married  women,  and  only  37 
children.  In  the  village  of  Mbela  there  were  about  60  married 
women,  as  shown  by  the  number  of  houses,  and  only  28  children, 
and  so  on  ad  lib. 

If  you  ask  a native  chief,  husband  of  many  wives,  how  many 
children  he  has,  he  will  state  an  absurd  number,  not  because 
he  desires  to  deceive  you,  but  for  the  following  reasons  : All 
the  children,  of  his  brothers  and  sisters,  and  all  their  children’s 
children,  are  spoken  of  as  the  chief’s  children,  as  he  is  the  head 

135 


POLYGAMY  AND  ITS  RESULTS 

of  the  family,  i.e.  all  the  nephews  and  nieces,  the  grand- 
nephews and  grand-nieces  are  regarded  as  a man’s  own  off- 
spring, besides  his  own  children  and  grandchildren ; many  of 
us  could  make  up  large  families  in  this  way.  And  again,  the 
native  has  a very  strong  superstition  and  prejudice  against 
counting  his  children,  for  he  believes  that  if  he  does  so,  or  if 
he  states  the  proper  number,  the  evil  spirits  will  hear  it  and 
some  of  his  children  will  die ; henee  when  you  ask  him  such 
a simple  question  as,  “ How  many  children  have  you  ? ” you 
stir  up  his  superstitious  fears,  and  he  will  answer  : “ I don’t 
know,”  If  you  press  him,  he  will  tell  you  sixty,  or  one  hundred 
children,  or  any  other  number  that  jumps  to  his  tongue  ; 
and  even  then  he  is  thinking  of  those  who,  from  the  native 
view  of  kinship,  are  regarded  as  his  children,  and  desiring  to 
deceive,  not  you,  but  those  ubiquitous  and  prowling  evil 
spirits,  he  states  a large  number  that  leaves  a wide  margin, 
I have  been  introdueed  by  young  men  to  men,  much  older 
than  themselves,  as  “ my  children,”  and  there  was  a twinkle 
in  their  eyes,  showing  that  they  appreciated  the  humorous 
absurdity  of  the  situation. 

Among  the  Congo  languages  there  is  no  proper  word  for 
virgin,  for  there  was  not  in  the  old  days  a pure  girl  above  the 
age  of  five.  I would,  therefore,  most  emphatically  dissent 
from  the  oft-repeated  fallacious  statement  that  polygamy  pro- 
motes morality  among  native  tribes  ; that  it  has  eaused  wide- 
spread immorality  on  the  Congo  is  truer  to  the  faets. 

After  carefully  reviewing  all  the  data  I am  forced  to  the 
conclusion  that  polygamy  is  not  necessitated  by  the  climate, 
but  is  the  natural  outcome  of  their  customs,  mode  of  thought, 
and  view  of  life.  A Congo  man  will  fight,  trade,  carry  heavy 
loads  for  long  distances,  and  work,  but  he  will  not  hoe  the 
ground,  that  is  infra  dig.  to  him.  He  will  dig  the  white  man’s 
farm,  but  he  will  not  work  land  in  his  own  village,  so,  to  use 
his  own  words,  he  “ hires  ” or  “ borrows  ” a woman  to  do  this 
for  him,  and  the  more  women  he  has  the  less  likely  is  he  to 
go  hungry.  Again,  the  more  women  he  has  the  more  important 

136 


POLYGAMY  AND  ITS  RESULTS 


he  is,  the  greater  his  influence  and  social  standing ; when  a 
native  wants  to  impress  you  with  the  greatness  of  his  chief 
or  the  importance  of  the  head  of  his  family,  he  tells  you  the 
number  of  his  wives,  and  he  does  not  mind  adding  a dozen  to 
the  sum  total. 

Again,  chiefs  in  receiving  visits  from  other  chiefs  and  their 
retinues  had  to  give  free  hospitality  for  long  periods.  This 
required  a large  amount  of  food  and  several  women  to  prepare 
it  daily.  Then  again,  for  generations  the  women  have  believed 
that  if  they  allowed  their  husbands  to  have  intercourse  with 
them  between  the  time  of  pregnancy  and  the  weaning  of  their 
children,  those  children  would  die.  This  superstitious  belief 
has  been  a potent  factor  in  keeping  polygamy  alive,  if  it  did 
not  originate  it.  Remember  how  they  procure  their  wives, 
and  that  the  woman’s  family  must  replace  her  in  the  event 
of  death,  consequently  the  family  has  been  careful  to  see  that 
she  has  not  been  weakened  by  frequent  child-bearing,  lest 
they  should  have  to  give  another  woman  in  her  place.  Among 
some  tribes  the  man  had  to  wait  until  his  wife’s  family  took 
him  a calabash  of  palm-wine,  and  renewed  their  permission 
to  him. 

Some  writers  think,  judging  by  the  tone  of  their  articles, 
that  we  missionaries  rush  pell-mell  into  a country,  and  delight 
in  upsetting  the  institutions  and  customs  of  a place  whether 
they  are  good,  bad,  or  indifferent.  This,  however,  is  not  true 
to  the  facts  as  I know  them. 

Our  Mission  on  the  Congo  commenced  its  operations  in 
1878,  and  it  was  well  on  in  the  eighties  before  churches  were 
formed,  with  rules  and  regulations  for  the  guidance  of  converts. 
In  the  meantime  a language  had  been  reduced  to  writing, 
much  translation  work  had  been  done,  and  a mass  of  informa- 
tion collected  about  the  habits,  customs,  and  view  of  life  taken 
by  the  native.  “ Many  men,  many  minds  ” is  an  old  saying, 
and  we  found  it  a true  one  when  the  time  came  to  deal  with 
native  marriage  customs  and  polygamy  in  relation  to  church 
membership.  There  was  not  a single  aspect  of  this  great 

1.37 


MONOGAMY  AND  ITS  RESULTS 


question  but  had  its  exponents  ; and  it  was  not  until  after 
mature  consideration,  and  a careful  study  of  all  the  pros  and 
cons,  that  we  came  to  the  conclusion  that  monogamy  was  the 
only  wise  rule  to  adopt,  and  we  therefore  laid  it  down  as  a 
condition  of  church  membership  that  one  man  should  have 
one  wife  only. 

It  is  also  a rule  of  the  church  that  no  Christian  shall  receive 
marriage  money  for  his  daughter,  niece,  or  ward  ; and  no 
Christian  is  permitted  to  give  marriage  money  for  his  wife, 
except  to  a heathen  if  he  asks  for  it.  The  reasons  for  this 
exception  are  obvious.  We  also  insist  that  all  Christians  shall 
marry  either  by  civil  law  or  “ holy  matrimony.”  We  are 
interested  in  the  natives  and,  rightly  or  wrongly,  we  devote 
our  lives  to  them  ; and  if  we  had  desired  numbers  on  the  church 
roll  to  quote  in  reports  rather  than  the  moral  and  physical  well- 
being of  our  parishioners,  we  should  have  made  these  restrictions 
less  rigorous,  and  entrance  to  church  membership  more  easy 
and  pleasant  for  them.  Our  Society  gives  us  a free  hand  in 
dealing  with  these  great  problems. 

Now  we  find  that  Christian  teaching  and  monogamy  have 
conduced  to  stricter  morality  among  the  people,  and  also 
to  an  increase  in  the  birth-rate.  In  the  old  days  there  was  in 
every  village  on  the  Lower  Congo  a house  called  Mbongi,  or 
Nzo-a-matoko  (house  for  young  men),  where  the  lads  and  un- 
married men  slept.  Girls  from  an  early  age  had  free  ingress  to 
these  houses,  and  their  mothers  encouraged  them  to  go.  These 
houses  have  been  cleared  out  of  all  the  villages  where  there  is 
any  Christian  influence  at  work,  and  even  from  heathen 
villages  also,  for  they  have  been  greatly  influenced  by  the 
purer  public  opinion  of  recent  years.  Now  that  monogamy 
is  practised  by  so  many,  the  young  men  know  that  in  due  time 
they  will  be  able  to  secure  a wife,  and  they  desire  to  receive 
her  as  pure  as  possible,  hence  the  closing  of  these  village 
bachelor  houses  even  in  the  heathen  towns.  Christian  parents 
also  use  their  best  endeavour  to  preserve  their  daughters  in 
innocency. 


138 


PURER  WOMEN 


We  have  within  a stone’s-throw  of  Wathen  Station  a Chris- 
tian village  where  monogamy  is  the  rule  without  exception. 
There  are  twenty-four  married  women  living  there  with  their 
husbands,  and  they  have  between  them  fifty-seven  children 
now  living  (noted  in  1908),  and  five  have  died,  making  in  all 
sixty-two  births.  Some  of  these  have  only  been  married 
eighteen  months  or  two  years,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  as 
the  years  go  by  there  will  be  many  more  children  born  to 
these  twenty-four  wives.  Now  the  same  number  of  women 
tied  to  one  man  would  not  have  had  a tenth  of  the  children. 
Again,  we  have  throughout  our  districts  a large  number  of 
teachers,  many  of  whom  are  married,  and  most  of  them  have 
children — one,  two,  or  three,  according  to  the  length  of  time 
they  have  been  married.  There  is  another  noticeable  thing, 
that  in  the  Christian  villages,  i.e.  the  monogamous  villages, 
there  are  plenty  of  children,  while  the  same  cannot  be  said 
of  the  heathen  in  polygamous  villages.  Some  seem  to  think 
that  polygamy  spells  large  families  and  a fair  state  of  morality  ; 
but  on  the  Congo,  and  I speak  of  what  I know,  polygamy  means 
a very  low  birth-rate  and  an  absolute  lack  of  morality  and 
common  decency.  Polygamy  is  giving  place  to  monogamy, 
and  that  means  a higher  morality,  a purer  and  more  self- 
respecting  womanhood,  and  the  introduction  of  a truer  affection 
between  the  husband  and  the  wife  which  will  result  in  a better 
and  more  healthy  home-life  for  the  children,  and  will  lead  to 
the  coming  of  a brighter  day  on  dark,  oppressed  Africa. 


139 


CHAPTER  IX 


NATIVE  EDUCATION 


Precociousness  of  the  children — Teaching  the  tribal  mark — Knowledge  of 
astronomy — Divisions  of  night  and  day — Education — Paddling  and 
canoeing— Swimming — Fishing — Hunting  — Blacksmithing  — The  girls 
learned  farming — Cooking — Hair-dressing — Mat  and  saucepan  making — 
Charms — Taboos — First-fruits — First  teeth — No  moral  training — Great 
liars  and  thieves — Capable  of  truth  and  honesty. 


HERE  were  no  schools  to  attend  until  the  white  men 


went  to  live  in  their  district ; but  the  lads  accom- 


panied their  fathers  and  elders  and  learned  by  imita- 
tion, by  listening  to  the  talk  on  the  road,  in  the  canoe  and 
around  the  camp  fire,  and  by  special  instruction.  Most  lads 
of  14  or  15  knew  the  names  of  the  innumerable  fish  in  their 
river  and  creeks,  their  habits,  and  the  best  mode  of  catching 
them.  They  also  knew  the  names  and  habitat  of  most  bush 
animals,  either  by  experience  or  repute  ; the  names  of  the 
birds,  insects,  trees,  plants,  etc.,  were  all  well  known  to  them 
and  easily  distinguished.  The  village  life  was  so  open,  so 
lacking  in  privacy,  that  almost  every  function  of  the  body 
was  performed  without  any  attempts  at  secrecy,  hence  ob- 
servant young  eyes  drank  in  all  that  came  within  the  purview 
of  their  vision,  and  boys  and  girls  of  a tender  age  were  pre- 
cocious in  their  knowledge  of  those  matters  which  are  left  to  a 
much  later  period  in  civilized  countries. 

Tattooing  was  begun  in  earliest  childhood  by  the  parents, 
but  not  more  than  sufficient  to  show  that  the  child  belonged  to 
the  tribe.  Later  on  the  boys  and  girls  were  urged  to  cut  their 
own  tattoos,  and  were  taught  to  bear  the  pain  unwhimper- 


140 


KNOWLEDGE  OF  ASTRONOMY 


ingly.  I have  seen  boys  and  girls  sitting  by  the  river’s  edge 
summoning  up  the  necessary  courage  to  make  the  incisions, 
and  when  they  failed  to  do  so  they  were  ridiculed  by  the  others 
until  at  last  they  would  run  the  knife,  by  the  aid  of  a bit  of 
looking-glass  or  the  reflection  in  the  river,  along  the  old  lines 
in  the  forehead.  At  the  age  of  18  or  20  the  person — man  or 
woman — who  wished  to  be  thought  fashionable  would  work 
away  every  week  or  so,  cutting  the  flesh  deeper  and  putting 
wads  in  the  cuts  to  cause  the  flesh  to  stand  up,  until  they  had 
a veritable  likwala,  or  cock’s  comb,  w'hich  would  be  the  envy 
of  those  who  had  not  attained  to  such  a fine  decoration. 

There  was  another  pain  they  were  taught  to  bear  patiently, 
and  that  was  the  chiselling  of  the  upper  incisors  to  V-shaped 
points.  Some  only  had  two  cut,  while  others  had  all  the  upper 
incisors  done.  This  operation  was  supposed  to  improve  their 
appearance.  I said  once  to  a native,  “ Your  teeth  are  like  a 
dog’s,”  and  his  quick  retort  was,  “ Well,  your  teeth  are  like  a 
bat’s,”  I suppose  he  preferred  being  like  a dog,  to  having 
teeth  like  a bat.  They  paid  two  brass  rods  for  cutting  the 
teeth,  and  two  brass  rods  every  time  they  bit  the  operator. 
The  eyelashes  also  were  pulled  out  as  an  aid  to  beauty. 

They  picked  up  a little  astronomy  from  their  elders,  Venus 
was  called  “ wife  of  the  moon  ” ; a shooting  star  was  “ fetish 
fire  ” ; a cluster  of  stars  (Pleiades)  was  a “ crowd  of  young 
women”;  the  “Milky  Way”  was  ‘‘the  road  of  floods  and 
drought.”  Both  on  the  Lower  and  Upper  River  the  natives 
connect  the  “ Milky  Way  ” with  the  abundance  and  scarcity 
of  rains  ; they  say  that  when  the  “ Milky  Way  ” is  bright, 
clear,  and  well  seen  there  will  be  plenty  of  rain.  Three  bright 
stars  in  Orion’s  belt  were  named  the  “ three  paddlers  ” ; and 
the  five  stars  near  each  other  in  Orion  were  regarded  as  the 
“ bundle  of  thunder  or  lightning.”  In  the  constellation  Lepus 
there  is  a set  of  five  stars  thus  » **,  and  these  w'ere  said  to  re- 
semble a man — the  top  star  being  the  head,  the  two  lower 
stars  the  hands,  and  the  two  bottom  stars  the  feet.  When 
this  set  of  stars,  called  hole,  reached  the  meridian  the  natives 

141 


DIVISIONS  OF  NIGHT  AND  DAY 


did  more  planting  than  at  any  other  season.  This  hole  was 
so  well  recognized  by  the  natives  that  we  used  the  word  as  an 
equivalent  for  our  word  year. 

There  is  a legend  that  the  moon  was  once  a python  and 
made  a road  for  itself  on  the  earth.  Some  adventurous  trappers, 
however,  snared  it,  but  on  noticing  there  was  no  more  moon- 
light they  let  it  go,  whereupon  it  sprang  into  the  sky  and  never 
again  returned  to  earth.  When  there  is  no  moon,  some  say 
that  the  python  has  gone  on  a long  journey,  and  others  that  it 
dies  every  month.  There  is  much  shouting  and  gesticulating 
on  the  appearance  of  a new  moon ; and  those  who  have 
enjoyed  good  health  ask  that  it  may  be  continued,  and  those 
who  have  been  sick  ascribe  their  complaint  to  the  coming  of 
the  new  moon,  and  ask  it  to  take  away  bad  health  and  give 
them  good  health  in  its  place. 

Here,  as  on  the  Lower  Congo,  many  believe  that  the  sun 
returns  from  the  west  to  the  east  during  the  night  to  be  ready 
to  rise  in  the  morning.  They  were  taught  that  the  stars  were 
a species  of  large  fire-flies  that  formerly  existed  on  the  earth, 
but  have  now  gone  into  space,  and  that  the  comets  are  signs 
that  a great  chief  has  recently  died. 

.\nother  thing  necessary  to  the  young  Congo  boy  was  to 
teach  him,  not  the  movements  of  the  clock’s  hands,  but  the 
crowing  of  the  cocks,  the  notes  of  the  nkuku-mpembe  (name  of 
a bird),  and  the  movements  of  the  sun  : 2 a.m.  was  “ the 
lying  fowl  ” ; 3 a.m.  “ the  lying  bird  ” — because  they  falsely 
heralded  the  dawn  w^hich  was  not  due  until  later ; 4 a.m. 

was  “ the  first  fowl  ” ; 4 to  5 a.m.  “ the  sun  is  near  ” ; 5.30 

to  6 a.m.  “ the  dawning  ” ; 6 a.m.  “ the  sun  is  come  ” ; 6.15 

to  7 a.m.  “ the  first  sun  ” ; 12  noon  “ the  meridian  ” ; 6 p.m. 

“ when  the  fowls  go  in,”  or  “ the  sun  enters  ” ; 11  to  12  p.m. 
“ one  set  of  ribs,”  or  “ one  side  of  a person,”  and  means  that 
about  that  time  a person  turns  from  lying  on  one  side  over  on 
to  the  other.  For  all  these  and  many  other  divisions  of  the  day 
there  were  special  names  or  phrases.  Then  there  was  a system 
of  counting,  and  an  elaborate  mode  of  stating  numbers  with 

142 


EDUCATION 

the  fingers^  which  I must  enter  into  more  fully  under  another 
heading  ; suffice  it  to  say  that  he  had  to  learn  to  count  from 
one  up  to  ten  thousand,  and  any  amount  beyond  that  up  to 
one  hundred  thousand  he  had  no  difficulty  in  expressing  after 
he  had  once  mastered  the  system. 

The  length  of  time  that  a ehild  remained  under  the  tutelage 
of  his  father  depended  largely  on  the  character  of  both,  and 
the  strength  of  will  each  possessed.  There  were  no  bachelor 
houses  in  the  villages,  consequently  male  and  female  children 
belonging  to  the  same  mother  were  brought  up  together  in 
her  house  until  such  times  as  the  boys  were  old  enough  to 
build  a house  for  themselves,  if  they  cared  so  to  do.  There 
was  no  age  limit.  I have  known  big  lads  sleep  in  their  mothers’ 
houses  ; and  I have  know  smallish  lads  of  energy  and  initiative 
combine  to  build  a hut  for  themselves  of  which  they  were 
very  proud. 

From  his  very  boyhood  the  Boloki  was  a keen  trader.  He 
accompanied  his  father  on  all  trading  journeys  as  soon  as  he 
was  able  to  beat  time  with  a stick  in  the  bows  of  the  canoe,  or 
handle  a paddle.  In  the  village  he  learned  the  value  of  different 
articles,  and  nothing  delighted  him  more  than  exchanging 
what  he  did  not  want  for  something  that  he  needed.  While 
his  father  was  bartering  he  would  eagerly  listen,  and  thus 
learn  how  to  praise  his  own  goods,  and  disparage  in  depreciatory 
terms  the  articles  which  he  desired  to  purchase,  so  as  to  lower 
their  prices.  Before  an  article  could  be  exchanged  with  profit 
to  himself  he  had  many  things  to  learn — the  first  cost  of  the 
article,  the  time  spent  in  hawking  it,  the  payment  and  keep 
of  those  who  helped  to  paddle  him  from  place  to  place  in 
search  of  a buyer — or  he  would  find  himself  poorer  at  the  end 
of  his  trading  expedition  than  he  was  at  the  beginning.  This 
was  no  small  part  of  the  lad’s  education. 

The  boy,  as  a part  of  his  training,  had  to  learn  to  handle  his 
paddle  with  agility,  gracefulness,  and  accuracy.  There  were 
clumsy  paddlers  who  were  the  butt  of  their  companions’ 
* See  Appendix,  Note  3,  on  Boloki  method  of  counting. 

143 


SWIMMING 


ridicule,  but  there  were  others  who  so  swung  their  paddles  as 
to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  onlookers.  As  a child  his  father 
gave  him  a toy  paddle  and  taught  him  how  to  back-water, 
to  steer,  and  to  move  his  paddle  in  unison  with  others.  Nor 
was  this  all,  for  there  w'ere  over  fifty  words  and  phrases  he 
had  to  learn  dealing  with  canoeing.  There  were  the  W'ords  for 
canoes  of  different  sizes  and  shapes,  from  the  large  canoe 
that  would  take  fifty  paddles  and  a heavy  cargo  to  the  shallow 
marsh  canoe  that  would  skim  over  the  surface  of  a six-inch 
pool.  There  were  the  names  for  the  various  parts  of  the  canoe 
— stern,  bows,  middle,  sides,  etc.  ; for  beaching,  launching, 
steering,  turning  sharp  round  corners,  or  guiding  the  canoe  to 
a landing-place.  There  were  names  for  a patch  on  a canoe, 
for  the  usable  part  of  a broken  canoe,  for  the  haft  and  blade 
of  his  paddle,  and  for  their  various  sizes.  These  and  many 
other  things  about  canoes  he  had  to  know  before  his  education 
was  completed. 

The  Boloki  boys,  living  near  the  river  as  they  did,  learned 
to  be  good  swimmers.  They  started  swimming  at  so  early  an 
age  that  they  regarded  it  as  a natural  action  as  much  as  walk- 
ing. Canoes  were  often  upset  in  the  storms  or  turned  over  by 
a hippopotamus,  therefore  it  was  necessary  for  a lad  to  know 
how  to  save  himself.  The  hand-over-hand  stroke  was  most 
common,  and  they  kicked  out  with  the  legs.  They  trod  the  water 
very  well ; but  they  always  dived  feet  first,  never  head  first. 
When  a canoe  was  upset  they  were  very  dexterous  in  turning 
it  over,  bailing  it  out,  putting  their  possessions  (such  as  were 
floating)  back  into  the  canoe,  catching  their  paddles,  and  then 
climbing  into  their  frail  canoe  again  without  upsetting  it.  This 
I have  seen  them  do  repeatedly,  and  often  sent  out  a canoe  to 
help  them,  but  before  it  arrived  they  would  be  sitting  in  their 
canoe  smiling.  The  girls  learned  both  to  swim  and  paddle ; 
but  the  same  skill  in  either  accomplishment  was  not  expected 
of  them  as  of  the  boys. 

The  boys  went  with  their  fathers  on  fishing  and  hunting 
expeditions.  They  were  taught  how  to  make  the  various  fish- 

144 


HUNTING 


traps  and  nets,  and  the  best  places  to  put  them  in  the  river, 
creeks,  or  pools,  and  also  how  to  bait  and  cast  the  hook. 
There  were  curious  kinds  of  traps  to  make  that  would  allow 
the  fish  to  enter,  but  rigidly  bar  their  exit ; long  fish-fences 
for  closing  up  the  mouths  of  creeks,  or  run  for  forty  yards  by 
the  river  bank  ; nets  to  be  woven,  which  when  cast  with  the 
right  sort  of  twist  would  entangle  the  unwary  fish.  They  had 
to  learn  to  watch  the  river  for  the  best  time  for  setting  the 
traps  and  fixing  the  fences.  They  had  to  remember  to  address 
their  father  and  the  other  fishermen  as  Mwele,^  for  if  the  water- 
spirits  heard  their  proper  names  they  would  turn  aside  the 
fish  from  the  nets,  and  they  would  have  ill-luck  in  their 
expedition.  There  were  the  names  of  a score  of  traps,  nets, 
and  modes  of  fishing  to  keep  in  mind. 

In  hunting  there  was  much  knowledge  to  be  gained,  for  not 
only  were  the  habits  of  the  different  animals  to  be  thoroughly 
understood,  but  also  the  proper  charms  to  be  used,  and  the 
necessary  ceremonies  to  be  observed  to  counteract  the  adverse 
influences  of  the  bush-spirits  who  were  always  on  the  prowl 
to  render  their  hunting  futile.  For  hippopotami,  elephants, 
and  antelopes,  spring-traps  were  made  and  placed  in  the  proper 
tracks.  Occasionally  holes  were  dug  and  sharpened  sticks 
and  iron  prongs  were  fixed  upright  in  them,  and  then  the  holes 
were  covered  very  lightly  Avith  sticks,  leaves,  etc.  (I  often 
shudder,  even  now  after  many  years,  at  the  narrow  escape  I 
once  had  while  hunting  from  falling  into  one  of  these  traps.) 
For  hunting  crocodiles  and  bush-pigs  spears  were  most  com- 
monly used,  and  the  lads  learned  to  throw  them  with  force  and 
accuracy.  I have  seen  lads  stand  at  a distance  of  from  60 
to  80  feet  and  put  spear  after  spear,  with  great  precision,  into 
an  upright  plantain  stalk  not  more  than  5 inches  in  diameter. 

If  the  lad  had  a blacksmith  or  a witch-doctor  as  a relative, 
then  these  professions  were  opened  to  him.  The  former  com- 
manded respect  because  of  his  skill  and  usefulness ; but  the 

* This  name  is  given  to  all  fishermen  while  fishing,  and  just  as  they  leave 
the  river  with  their  catch,  or  bad  luck  will  follow. 

145 


K 


COOKING 


profession  of  the  latter  was  not  only  very  lucrative,  but  gained 
the  respectful  fear  of  the  people,  for  did  he  not  control  those 
evil  spirits  that  were  always  troubling  the  folk?  And  again, 
a witch-doctor  was  never  charged  with  witchcraft,  hence  the 
lad  would  know  in  learning  the  tricks  of  that  trade  he  would 
never  have  to  undergo  the  ordeal,  and  might,  if  he  were  cunning 
enough,  live  on  the  best  of  the  land. 

The  girl  in  the  course  of  her  education  went  as  a child  with 
her  mother  to  the  farm,  and  with  her  small  hoe  helped  her 
mother  to  weed,  and  as  she  grew  older  she  would  hoe  and 
plant.  There  were  the  various  kinds  of  cassava  to  learn,  and 
their  characteristics  and  appearances ; the  best  time  of  the 
year  for  planting  according  to  the  position  of  the  kole  in  the 
sky,  and  the  best  sort  of  soil,  and  when  it  was  unprofitable  to 
plant  an  old  farm,  and  better  to  start  a new  one. 

The  girl  had  also  to  learn  the  sundry  ways  of  cooking  cassava 
— for  there  were  several — all  entailing  much  time  and  thought. 
The  modes  of  boiling,  steaming,  grilling,  smoking,  or  baking 
fish  and  meats.  She  had  to  become  expert  in  making  up  tasty 
messes  with  leaves  and  palm-oil,  caterpillars,  palm  maggots, 
etc.  She  should  know  how  to  shave  the  head,  comb  out  and 
plait  hair,  massage  the  skin,  and  decorate  the  face  and  body 
with  various  pigments  and  camwood  powder,  for  these  would 
be  expected  of  her  by  her  future  husband.  She  had  to  learn 
to  make  her  own  dresses  from  palm-frond  fibre,  and  if  she 
desired  to  be  “ chic,”  then  she  must  dye  them  to  the  fashionable 
colour.  If  she  wanted  extra  pocket-money,  then  she  might 
master  the  mysteries  of  papyrus  mat,  and  saucepan  making, 
or  even  turn  her  hand  to  the  art  of  basket-making.  The  more 
she  knew  of  these  various  accomplishments  the  better  chance 
she  had  of  securing  the  man  she  wanted  for  a husband. 

What  a mass  of  information  the  girl  collected  about  fetishes, 
charms,  and  medicine  men  ! The  proper  charms  to  protect 
her  farm  produce,  to  ward  off  the  evil  eye  from  casting  bad 
luck  on  her  farming ; the  right  charms  to  keep  her  in  good 
health,  and  render  her  attractive  to  the  village  lads.  She  had 

146 


NO  MORAL  TRAINING 


to  store  her  mind  with  a knowledge  of  the  best  charms  to  use 
to  allure  her  lover  to  her  side,  to  preserve  her  during  pregnancy, 
to  ward  off  sickness  from  her  child,  to  retain  her  position  as 
the  favourite  wife,  and  to  keep  away  those  many  evil  spirits 
that  seemed  to  hem  her  in  on  every  side.  Both  boys  and  girls 
had  to  remember  the  family  totems,  and  the  family  and  personal 
taboos ; what  they  should  do  and  eat,  and  what  it  was  neces- 
sary for  them  to  avoid  doing  and  eating.  Then  there  were  the 
first-fruits  of  the  fish  they  caught,  the  animals  they  killed,  the 
foods  they  planted,  and  the  various  articles  they  made  which 
had  to  be  given  to  their  parents  or  nearest  relatives,  otherwise 
bad  luck  would  follow  them.  The  first  teeth  that  came  out 
had  to  be  carefully  hidden,  for  if  they  were  found  by  anyone 
no  other  teeth  would  come  in  their  place. 

Although  there  was  much  physical  training  to  make  them 
efficient  in  hunting,  fishing,  farming,  etc,,  and  much  mental 
training  to  gain  a full  knowledge  of  all  that  boys  and  girls 
should  know,  yet  there  was  no  moral  training.  From  early  age 
to  puberty  boys  and  girls  had  free  access  to  each  other.  Public 
reprobation  was  only  visited  upon  those  who  committed  a 
wrong  so  clumsily  as  to  be  found  out.  I have  heard  them 
speak  admiringly  of  one  who,  while  working  for  a white  man, 
robbed  him  so  cleverly  as  not  to  be  discovered,  and  such  a 
one  would  bring  back  to  his  town  the  proceeds  of  his  robbery 
and  boastfully  describe  how  he  committed  it ; on  the  other 
hand,  I have  heard  them  call  the  unsuccessful  thief  a “ fool,” 
not  bad  nor  wicked,  but  eZema=stupid,  fool,  etc.  We  could 
not  discover  any  words  for  virtuous  or  vicious  ; a person 
either  had  “ good  ways  ” or  “ bad  ways,”  but  these  referred 
more  to  the  presence  or  absence  of  rudeness,  disrespect  to 
superiors,  or  greediness,  than  to  any  moral  or  immoral  qualities. 
For  lying  and  stealing  a child  was  not  punished  unless  the 
lie  or  the  theft  inconvenienced  the  parent  in  some  way.  As 
a result  of  the  lack  of  any  moral  training  while  young  we 
found  both  men  and  women  most  unblushing  liars  and  thieves. 
I have  seen  the  tail  of  a fish  sticking  out  of  a man’s  cloth,  and 

147 


CAPABLE  OF  TRUTH  AND  HONESTY 


he  asseverating  with  many  oaths  that  he  had  neither  touched 
nor  seen  the  fish,  until  the  fisherman  who  had  been  robbed 
pointed  to  the  fish-tail  sticking  out  well  in  view  beyond  the 
thief’s  cloth  ; and  when  convicted  he  laughingly  said,  “ I 
don’t  know  how  the  fish  got  there.”  Yet  they  were  capable 
of  telling  the  truth  and  being  honest,  as  I discovered  later. 


148 


CHAPTER  X 


NATIVE  GAMES  AND  PASTIMES 


Dolls — Make-believe  games — Mimic  war — Model  of  steamers— Game  of 
hand-thrusting— Hockey — Wheel  game— Flipping  arrows — Lip-sucking 
game— Ball  game — “ Tip-it  ” — Game  with  palm  nuts — African  back- 
gammon—Gambling  game— Teetotums — Hoop  game — Cat’s  cradle — 
Water  games— Spear-throwing — Bull-roarers— Imitating  movements  of 
animals. 

There  are  not  many  games,  but  such  as  there  are 
train  the  eye  in  quickness,  the  hand  in  precision,  and 
the  body  in  agility. 

Some  little  girls  take  pieces  of  stick  or  cassava  roots  to 
represent  dolls,  or,  as  they  call  them,  6a?ia= babies,  and 
tying  them  on  their  backs  with  an  old  rag  they  play  with  them 
as  such.  An  English  doll  is  too  uncanny,  too  much  like  a 
human,  for  them  to  play  with ; they  do  not  understand  it, 
and  put  it  away,  or  their  elders  take  it  away  and  sell  it  as  a 
powerful  fetish.  Parents  fond  of  their  children  make  small 
paddles,  baskets,  and  hoes  in  imitation  of  their  own,  and  the 
youngsters  play  with  them  when  they  accompany  their  mothers 
to  the  farms,  or  their  fathers  in  the  canoes.  Toy  hoes  and 
baskets  are  given  to  girls  only,  toy  fish-traps  to  boys  ; but 
toy  paddles  to  both  boys  and  girls. 

The  boys  of  the  village  plait  basket-work  shields  about 
3 feet  long  and  8 inches  wide,  and  with  stout  water-grass  and 
young  plantain  stalks  as  spears  and  clubs,  and  imitation 
wooden  knives  in  their  belts,  they  take  sides  in  a great  sham 
fight,  and  amid  much  laughter  and  good-humour  a mimic 
battle  is  waged  until  one  side  is  driven  from  the  field — the 

149 


MIMIC  WAR 


village  street.  Such  “ fights  ” are  interesting  to  watch,  for  the 
movements  of  the  more  than  half-naked  bodies  are  swift, 
precise,  and  graceful,  and  undoubtedly  help  to  keep  them  in 
good  form  ; and  the  accuracy  with  which  they  hurl  their 
imitation  spears  is  a fine  display  of  dexterity. 

Besides  mimic  war,  the  youngsters  have  their  make-believe 
games  of  marketing,  cooking,  feasting,  and  housekeeping. 
The  more  expert  among  the  lads  make  toy  steamers  in  imita- 
tion of  those  running  on  the  river  ; and  it  is  interesting  to  see 
two  lads  approaching  from  opposite  directions  pulling  their 
“ steamers  ” behind  them.  As  they  pass  each  other  they 
whistle  three  times  as  a salute  to  one  another,  then  comes  a 
long  whistle  as  a sign  to  stop,  and  the  “ steamers  ” are  supposed 
to  stop  at  a beach,  and  the  two  boys,  who  are  acting  as  captains 
and  wearing  any  old  hat  they  can  find  for  the  occasion,  approach 
each  other,  raise  their  hats,  bow,  shake  hands,  and  then  jabber 
for  a few  moments  in  bits  of  French  and  any  of  their  own 
syllables  that  sound  to  them  like  French  ; then  come  the 
ceremonies  of  parting,  and  the  whistling  of  a pretended  farewell 
from  the  “ steamers,”  and  the  slm  ! shu  ! shu  ! of  the  working 
engines.  The  lad  pulling  the  steamer  is  engine,  whistle,  pilot, 
steersman,  and  captain  all  combined,  and  seems  to  enjoy  it. 
The  best  model  has  the  largest  crowd  of  followers  after  it. 
These  boys  are  splendid  actors,  and  the  whole  scene  just 
enacted  is  a fine,  humorous  imitation  of  the  actions  of  State 
steamers  and  captains  meeting  on  our  beach.  A hat  is  as  neces- 
sary almost  as  the  “ steamer,”  for  it  has  to  be  taken  off  when 
the  bow  is  made,  and  if  a boy  does  not  possess  a hat,  or  cannot 
borrow  one,  he  will  make  a good  imitation  of  a helmet  or  a 
straw  hat  out  of  papyrus  pith  and  plantain  leaves. 

The  following  is  a list  of  the  games  ^ played  among  the  Boloki 
boys  and  girls  : 

1.  Ndangu,  hand-matching  game.  (Lower  Congo  ta  mbele 
is  slightly  different.)  The  players  form  two  lines  {mabenge) 

* For  Lower  Congo  games  I would  refer  the  reader  to  Folk  Lore,  Vol.  XX, 
1909,  p.  457,  where  the  writer  has  given  a full  description  of  them. 

160 


Photo  *r]  c.  y.  Dodds 

Native  Carpenier  and  his  Workshop 

This  young  man  is  only  one  of  several  expert  carpenters  trained  on  our  Monsembe  stations. 


Photo  by\  c Dodds 

Model  ok  a State  Steamer 

The  lads  holding  the  model  made  it  out  of  bamboo,  papyrus  pith,  and  the  po:ato*like  substance 
of  the  p’antain  root.  The  lads  delight  to  pull  these  toy  steamers  through  the  villages,  and  imitate 
the  \\hite  captains,  with  their  make-believe  salutes,  etc. 


GAME  OF  HAND-THRUSTING 

facing  each  other.  The  first  player  A faces  the  first  of  the 
opposition  line  B ; A throws  up  both  hands  and  brings  them 
down  with  a clap  (esaku),  and  then  darts  out  one  hand.  B does 
the  same — elaps  his  answers  (tambola),  and  if  B’s  hand  meets 
A’s  hand,  A is  wounded  {ajwe  mpota),  and  if  A receives  three 
wounds  {mpota  iaiu)  he  dies  (awe).  That  is  to  say  that  if  B 
is  quick  enough,  or  lucky  enough,  to  throw  out  a hand  to 
meet  A’s  thrust,  then  instead  of  being  wounded  he  wounds  A, 
and  three  wounds  eount  a death — A goes  to  the  bottom  of  his 
own  line.  If,  however,  the  hands  do  not  meet,  then  B is  wounded 
and  A passes  on  to  the  next,  and  the  next,  until  he  wounds  all 
in  B’s  line  or  is  himself  killed  ; if  he  is  killed,  then  the  next  boy 
to  A tries  until  he  is  either  “ killed  ” or  has  been  down  B’s  line. 
Those  who  are  “ dead  ” stand  at  the  bottom  of  their  line. 
After  all  the  “ men  ” in  A’s  line  have  played,  B’s  line  starts, 
and  should  he  lose  any  “ men  ” they  are  redeemed  in  the 
following  way  ; A’s  line  lost,  say,  five,  and  B’s  line  lost,  say, 
four,  A counts  four  of  his  five  as  redeemed,  and  B counts  his 
four  as  redeemed,  thus  over  the  first  bout  B has  lost  none,  and 
A has  lost  one  “ man.”  The  game  proceeds  until  all  on  one 
side  are  killed.  The  sharpest  players  stand  at  the  top  of  the  line, 
and  are  much  admired  for  their  prowess. 

2.  Ta  mbali,  or  hockey  (Lower  Congo  ta  mbadi),  is  probably 
a recent  introduetion  by  steamer  lads  from  the  Lower  Congo, 
as  the  Monsembe  boys  had  no  open  spaces  for  such  a game 
until  they  played  on  the  cleared  opening  in  front  of  our  station. 
I found  hockey  played  most  vigorously  at  San  Salvador  du 
Congo  when  I arrived  there  in  the  early  part  of  1882. 

3.  Nkeka,  or  wheel.  The  potato-like  substance  of  the  plantain 
root  is  cut  into  a wheel,  and  the  players  arm  themselves  with 
long,  sharpened  splinters  {mbenge)  of  bamboos  ; they  divide 
themselves  into  two  parties,  which  place  themselves  at  about 
30  or  40  yards  from  each  other.  Party  A throws  the  wheel 
{kula  nkeka)  along  the  ground  towards  party  B at  the  other 
end  {nsuku),  and  as  the  wheel  rolls  towards  them  the  boys  of 
B throw  their  splinters  at  it,  and  if  all  miss,  side  A chants  : 

151 


BALL  GAME 


“ Thud,  thud,  thud,  bad  marksmen,  die  like  a gazelle”  {Ju,  ju, 
ju,  bamai  bahi,  bawa  na  npambi) ; if  some  miss  and  some  hit, 
those  who  hit  sing  : “We  have  hit  the  wheel  right  through  the 
rim  ” — the  most  fatal  part  (Yeke,  yeke,  nakeke  na  ndende  na 
mimpesa) ; if  two  hit  they  say,  “ Brothers  truly  ” {Jimi  be) ; 
if  they  all  hit  they  sing,  “ It  is  absolutely  lost  and  done  for,” 
i.e.  It  is  no  good  looking  for  slaves  from  this  side  {Mampasa 
malambasana).  To  win  : Should  B party  hit  the  wheel  with 
three  splinters,  then  three  of  A party  beeome  slaves,  i.e.  they 
stand  out  of  the  game  until  they  are  redeemed  ; but  if  on  the 
return  of  the  wheel  to  A party  that  party  hits  it  with  four 
splinters,  they  thereby  redeem  their  three  slaves  and  place 
one  of  the  other  side  in  slavery.  This  continues  until  one  side 
is  in  total  slavery.  The  game  excites  great  enthusiasm,  and 
encourages  precision  in  throwing. 

4.  Ngenza.  A game  in  which  small  bamboo  arrows  are 
flipped  at  the  fleshy  mid-rib  of  the  plantain  leaf.  Sides  are 
taken,  and  the  side  with  the  best  marksmen  wins. 

5.  Epapunga.  They  make  a sucking  noise  with  the  lower 
lip  inside  the  upper,  and  the  one  not  able  to  do  it  in  unison 
with  the  others  {lembwaka  lokela)  is  “ killed,”  i.e.  drops  out 
until  all  are  killed  except  the  last,  who  becomes  the  winner. 

6.  Ntamba.  A kind  of  ball  game.  A ball  {lingendu)  of  leaves 
is  made  and  thrown  up,  and  is  kc2ot  in  the  air  by  beating  it  with 
the  palms  of  the  hands. 

7.  Nkulu-nkulu.  Two  lines  of  boys  sit  on  the  ground 
opposite  each  other ; the  first  lad  of  each  line  is  called  moloi 
(husband),  the  rest  are  called  bali  (wives).  Each  Avife  on  the 
playing  side  interlaces  her  fingers,  thus  forming  a hollow 
with  the  palms  of  her  hands.  The  “ husband  ” takes  a small 
article  and,  passing  his  hand  rapidly  uj3  and  down  the  line 
of  hands,  he  drops  the  article  into  one  of  the  arched  hands. 
The  opposition  has  now  to  discover  who  has  the  article,  and 
the  following  conversation  takes  place. 

Opposition  says  : 

“ Baninga-baninga  ” (You  ^flayers). 

162 


AFRICAN  BACKGAMMON 


Players  : “ Eh  ! ” 

0pp.:  “ Bankutu  bengi  ” (name  of  some  leaves). 

Pis.: 

0pp.:  “ Ba  nyango  ya  bilulu  ” (They  are  bitter  leaves). 

Pis.:  Eh!^^ 

0pp.:  “ Obe  na  nkulu,  abeie  mungita”  (He  who  has  the  artiele 
make  the  sound  of  thunder). 

Pis.:  “ Kiliri  ! ” (imitation  of  rolling  thunder). 

0pp.:  “ Bakunguika  " (Make  it  again). 

Pis.:  “ Kilili  ! ” 

0pp.:  Motu  yona  ” (That  person). 

If  the  person  thus  pointed  out  is  the  hider  of  the  article, 
he  shows  it,  and  his  side  loses,  and  the  opposition  side  takes 
its  turn  ; if,  however,  he  has  not  the  article,  then  the  one  who 
has  it  says,  “ Eh  ! nabuti  mwana  ” (Oh  ! I have  given  birth  to 
a child),  and  shows  the  article.  It  then  counts  one  game  to 
them,  and  is  called  mwana  wawi=one  child. 

8.  Liba.  A game  with  palm  nuts  (and  this  very  often 
precedes  peke,  or  backgammon).  In  liba  they  throw  up  a palm 
nut,  and  then  before  it  falls  they  swoop  up  with  the  right 
hand  as  many  palm  nuts  as  they  can,  and  put  them  down  to 
catch  the  descending  nut  before  it  touches  the  ground.  The 
one  who  picks  up  most  in  an  agreed  number  of  throws  wins  the 
game. 

9.  Peke  (kind  of  mancala,  or  African  backgammon).  A 
number  of  holes  are  made  in  a circle  on  the  ground,  and  the 
players  either  take  as  many  palm  nuts  as  they  can  in  so  many 
handfuls,  or  procure  them  as  in  liba  (see  game  8) ; then  they 
put  one  nut  into  each  hole,  and  the  one  whose  nuts  pass  the 
holes  of  the  other’s,  wins ; if  his  nuts  fall  short  of  the  other’s, 
he  loses.  The  game  is  very  complicated,  and  its  rules  little 
understood  by  any  European. 

10.  Lobesi,  or  the  game  of  pitch-and-toss  with  six  counters. 
The  counters  are  called  mbesi  ; the  light  side  of  the  counter 
is  nke,  the  dark  side  is  mpili.  The  stakes  {libeta)  are  taken 
up  when  the  counters  in  three  throws  either  fall  dark  side 

153 


HOOP  GAME 


up  {mpili),  or  light  side  up  {nke),  or  three  of  eaeh  {miu  matu= 
three  eyes).  The  person  putting  down  the  stakes  is  rnobeti  wa 
libeta,  the  plaee  of  playing  is  ekali,  and  the  turn  to  play  is 
ngala,  and  pula  is  to  demand  a seeond  set  of  throws  with  the 
mbesi.  In  this  game  there  is  always  a large  amount  of  gambling 
for  brass  rods  and  anything  else  of  value,  in  fact,  slaves  are 
sometimes  staked  on  the  throw.  I never  knew  it  to  be  played 
except  for  gambling  purposes. 

11.  Nsoko.  In  this  game  it  is  necessary  to  make  a table 
(juku)  of  four  lengths  of  plantain  stalks,  two  3 feet  long, 
and  two  2 feet  long,  and  these  are  so  placed  as  to  make  an 
oblong,  and  the  space  is  filled  with  earth  or  sand  in  a concave 
shape,  and  on  this  concave  bed  some  pieces  of  plantain  leaves 
are  smoothly  spread.  The  teetotums  are  made  from  the  large 
Calabar  {nsoko,  hence  the  name  of  the  game)  beans.  A hole 
is  bored  through  the  middle  of  each  bean,  and  through  the 
hole  is  pushed  a splinter  of  wood  to  form  a peg  £ in.  long 
on  the  under  side,  and  about  3|  inches  on  the  upper.  This  is 
called  the  mundindi.  The  juku  and  the  nsoko  being  prepared, 
the  players,  as  many  as  can  sit  at  the  table,  take  their  places, 
and  one  having  taken  the  mundindi  between  the  extended 
palms  of  his  hands,  he  rubs  it  to  and  fro  to  give  it  momentum, 
and  then  he  drops  the  teetotum  on  the  table,  where  it  spins 
rapidly.  In  the  meantime  another  has  done  the  same,  and 
on  the  two  revolving  tops  colliding,  one  is  knocked  out  and 
becomes  the  property  of  the  one  whose  teetotum  is  left  on 
the  “ board.”  If  both  are  knocked  out  they  begin  again. 
If  one  teetotum  holds  the  “ board  ” for  a round,  the  owner 
of  it  is  monzo  (the  best  spinner).  He  who  procures  the  most 
tops  belonging  to  the  others  is  the  winner. 

12.  Molangu  (hoop).  The  lads  take  sides,  each  side  having 
a town  {mboka)  about  30  yards  apart ; and  each  lad  has  a 
piece  of  string  from  6 to  8 feet  long  weighted  at  the  ends. 
All  being  ready  the  hoop  is  rolled  along  from  town  A towards 
town  B,  and  as  it  approaches  a lad  steps  out  and  throws  one 
end  of  his  string  at  the  hoop,  and  lets  the  string  run  freely 

154 


CAT’S  CRADLE 


from  his  hand.  His  object  is  to  entangle  his  string  about  the 
hoop.  When  the  hoop  stops  and  falls,  he  goes  and  picks  up 
one  end  of  his  string  and  swings  the  hoop  round  his  head  as 
he  takes  it  back  to  the  throwing  side  A.  If  he  succeeds  he 
has  repulsed  the  enemy,  and  it  counts  as  one  game  to  his  side. 
If  he  misses  the  hoop,  then  the  enemy  has  entered  his  town, 
and  it  is  reckoned  as  one  game  to  the  town  A,  and  the  town  B 
has  to  roll  the  hoop  towards  their  opponents.  If  the  hoop 
happens  to  come  off  the  string  while  being  twirled,  then  the 
side  of  the  twirler  loses,  and  he  has  to  take  the  hoop  back 
to  his  own  town  and  throw  it  to  the  town  of  the  enemy.  Each 
lad  steps  out  in  turn  for  a throw  of  the  hoop,  and  for  a throw 
at  the  hoop. 

13.  Nka,  or  cat’s  cradle,  is  well  known  to  the  lads  and 
lasses,  and  many  an  hour  is  spent  in  working  out  the  different 
designs  on  their  fingers  and  toes.  The  following  are  the  names 
of  a few  patterns  : (1)  Moleki  na  nkusu,  snare  for  a parrot, 
because  of  its  similarity  to  a snare  ; (2)  Mwana  muntaka, 
girl,  because  of  its  large,  oval  shape  ; (3)  Mwana  lele,  boy, 
because  it  has  a small  waist ; (4)  Juluiutu,  spider  ; (5)  Nkungu, 
a triangular  pattern.  There  is  a very  large  number  of  designs. 


155 


WATER  GAMES 


but  some  children  are  more  expert  than  others  in  forming 
them  accurately  and  easily. 

14.  Nsau  ya  mai,  or  water  games,  of  which  the  following 


This  Design  is  named  Ndako,  or  House.  If  the  picture  is 
turned  upside  down  the  Pitch  of  the  Roof  will  be  clearly  seen, 
the  Ridge-pole  and  Wall-plates. 


Called  by  the  Natives : Narrow  Roads  through  the  Farms. 

three  are  .specimens  : (1)  Nkoli  (crocodile).  An  active  boy 
represents  a crocodile,  and  diving  beneath  the  water  tries 
to  catch  the  feet  of  his  comrades,  and  others  try  to  cajiture 
him.  If  they  succeed  in  so  doing  they  thereupon  pretend  to 

156 


These  men  are  having  a small  drinking*bout  and  a little  music.  The  band  consists  of  one  drum,  one  trumpet,  and  one  iron  gong 

played  by  the  man  at  the  end  of  the  row. 


BULL-ROARERS 


kill  him  and  cut  him  up ; but  if  he  catches  a playmate  they 
exchange  places.  (2)  Tasana  (to  find  one  another).  One  dives 
and  remains  quiet  under  the  water,  while  another  searches 
for  him.  (3)  Munteko  (game  of  touch  in  the  water).  If  one 
lad  fails  to  catch  or  touch  another,  the  others  sing,  “ Otenda 
tendaka  yau  nzala  ya  nkabu  ” (You  will  not  grow,  you  eat 
greedily,  but  are  always  hungry).  The  boy  becomes  angry 
at  this  taunt,  and  renews  his  efforts  to  catch  one  of  them. 
The  Boloki  are  good  swimmers,  great  divers,  and  can  remain 
under  the  water  for  a long  time  ; and  undoubtedly  these 
water  games  help  them  to  become  so  much  at  home  in  the 
river. 

The  elder  lads  often  brought  out  their  thin,  well-balanced 
fighting  spears,  and  having  selected  a growing  plantain  with 
a stalk  about  5 inches  in  diameter,  they  would  stand  from 
60  to  80  feet  away  and  launch  their  spears  in  turn  at  the 
stalk.  I have  seen  them  pierce  the  stalk  right  through  again 
and  again.  I have  tried  spear-throwing,  and  it  is  not  so  easy 
as  it  looks.  There  is  a knack  in  holding  the  spear-haft  well 
down  across  the  palm  of  the  hand,  so  that  the  whole  force 
of  the  arm  is  conveyed  to  the  spear.  The  lads,  when  they 
saw  my  poor  attempts  at  spear-throwing,  used  to  say  laughingly 
to  me,  “ Ah,  white  man,  if  you  would  fight  us  with  spears, 
and  not  with  guns,  we  would  soon  wipe  you  out.” 

Bull-roarers  are  known  and  made  ; but  the  elders  do  not 
like  the  lads  to  play  with  them,  and  give  as  their  reason  : 
“ You  are  calling  the  leopards.”  This  is  because  the  whirl 
of  the  bamboo  makes  a sound  like  the  growling  of  a leopard. 

The  young  girls  have  an  interesting  little  dance  in  which 
they  form  a circle  around  one  of  their  number,  who  is  on  all 
fours  in  the  centre.  As  the  girls  in  the  ring  sing  about  the 
different  animals,  as  the  leopard,  the  hippopotamus,  the 
crocodile,  the  elephant,  etc.,  the  girl  in  the  middle  imitates 
the  movements  of  the  animal,  and  she  receives  praise  or 
ridicule  according  to  her  ability  to  imitate  the  movements 
accurately. 


157 


WRESTLING 


The  men  and  women  take  very  little  part  in  any  of  these 
games  (except  the  men  at  lohesi),  but  they  monopolize  a large 
share  in  all  the  dances,  and  in  most  of  the  dances  the  sexes 
are  mixed.  Wrestling  of  a rough-and-ready  kind  is  indulged 
in  by  the  lads  ; and  round  the  fires  of  an  evening  stories  are 
told  with  dramatic  power,  and  conundrums  are  propounded 
and  answered.  Although  Congo  is  practically  a toy  less  land, 
and  so  far  as  the  adults  are  concerned  the  children  are  not 
catered  for,  yet  from  their  loud  laughter  the  young  folk  seem 
to  extract  a great  amount  of  pleasure  out  of  life.  The  boys 
delight  in  talking  a slang  language  of  their  own  manufacture, 
which  is  called  jimu.  They  select  a syllable,  say  “ sa,”  and 
insert  it  between  the  syllables  of  the  words  they  use,  so  mboka= 
village  becomes  mbo-sa-ka  = vil-sa-lage.  They  acquire  great 
glibness  in  this  kind  of  talk,  and  enjoy  the  fun  that  it  brings 
in  mystifying  others. 


158 


CHAPTER  XI 


A PAGE  OF  NATIVE  HISTORY 

A great  inland  sea — The  Boloki  and  Bantus — The  Boloki  man — A native 
retort — Meaning  of  Bangala — Movements  of  tribes— Murder  of  Boloki 
chief — Refuge  in  a tree— Boloki  raiding — A famous  chief— Comets  an 
evidence  of  greatness — Tribal  marks  and  meaning. 

There  is  much  evidence  in  favour  of  the  theory  that 
the  low-lying  country  of  the  Congo  basin  was  once 
the  bottom  of  a great  inland  sea,  with  here  and  there 
the  highest  points  of  land  rearing  their  heads  above  the  water, 
and  thus  forming  numerous  islands.  The  pressure  and  rush 
of  water  gradually  wore  down  the  barriers  made  by  the  ridge 
of  rocks  running  across  the  river  at  Kintamo,  and  now  forming 
the  Kintamo  Falls,  thus  draining  the  country  and  rendering 
it  habitable.  Then  came  another  silting  up,  and  the  lower 
levels  of  the  country,  that  had  been  covered  in  the  meantime 
by  trees  and  grass,  were  again  flooded,  and  heavy  deposits 
of  clay  were  dropped  on  to  and  pressed  down  the  vegetable 
growth.  When  the  river  was  extremely  low  one  year  in  the 
Monsembe  district,  I noticed  for  many  miles  a stratum  of 
vegetable  matter,  about  three  inches  thick,  with  here  and  there 
a tree  of  six  inches  diameter,  a good  eleven  feet  below  the  top 
of  the  bank.  This  vegetable  layer  was  not  fossilized,  but  was 
extremely  hard,  and  though  of  a blackish  brown  colour, 
every  vein  in  the  leaves,  and  every  line  in  the  grass,  was  clear 
and  perfect. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  as  the  Congo  basin  was  drained 
the  Bantus  pressed  down  from  their  northern  homes ; and 

159 


THE  BOLOKI  MAN 


the  Boloki  tribe  for  greater  seeurity,  perhaps,  took  possession 
of  the  Libinza  Lake,  and  enlarged  the  islets  they  found  there 
into  places  large  enough  to  hold  one,  two,  or  more  families. 

The  Boloki  tribe  belongs  to  the  great  Bantu  race  that 
stretches  from  6°  north  of  the  Equator  to  Cape  Town,  and 
from  the  east  to  fhe  west  coast.  The  Bantus  reach  a higher 
latitude  on  the  western  than  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  African 
continent,  and  here  and  there  we  find  dotted  over  this  vast 
tract  of  country  small  tribes — like  the  Hottentots,  the  Bush- 
men, the  Pigmies,  etc. — that  are  remnants  probably  of  the 
aborigines  of  the  country.  These  portions  of  tribes,  speaking 
other  than  Bantu  dialects,  have  not  been  absorbed,  for  geo- 
graphical and  other  reasons,  by  their  more  civilized  Bantu 
neighbours  during  the  progress  of  many  generations ; but 
are  there  to-day  like  so  many  isolated  pages  of  primitive 
history. 

The  Boloki  man  is  above  the  average  height,  of  sturdy 
frame,  well-developed  limbs,  and  splendidly  proportioned 
body.  When  necessity  has  demanded  it,  he  has  paddled 
me  for  fifteen  hours  with  only  one  short  interval  for  food ; 
but  “ on  the  road  ” he  is  not  a good  walker,  for  he  finds  his 
rations  too  heavy  a burden,  much  more  a 70-lb.  load  such  as 
the  Lower  Congo  man  carries  with  a light  heart  and  step 
for  many  days.  In  the  canoe  the  Boloki  swings  his  paddle 
with  much  grace,  and  if  a drum  is  beaten,  or  a song  is  sung, 
the  line  of  twenty  paddlers  will  dip,  bend,  and  raise  their 
paddles  in  perfect  time  to  the  rhythm  of  the  drum,  or  the  lilt 
of  the  song. 

The  Boloki  man  is  sociable  and  of  a kindly  disposition, 
but  liable  to  fits  of  uncontrollable  passion,  and  is  then  capable 
of  great  cruelty.  He  is  fond  of  a laugh,  enjoys  a good  joke, 
and  appreciates  a repartee,  which  he  gives  and  takes  in  good 
humour. 

We  make  more  than  three  hundred  dinners  a year  off  fowls 
— they  are  very  cheap,  and  are  the  most  regular  form  of  fresh 
meat  that  we  can  procure.  Speaking  with  a native  one  day,  I 

1(50 


Photo  by']  {Rev.  G.  P.  Moore 

Mangwende — A Typical  Boloki  Head-man 


Running  up  the  forehead  will  be  seen  the  cock's-comb  tribal  mark,  above  which  is  the 
plait  of  hair  worn  by  the  better-class  men,  and  on  the  temple  the  palm-leaf  mark. 


A NATIVE  RETORT 


laughingly  twitted  him  with  the  scarcity  of  fowls  and  the 
difficulty  of  buying  any  in  his  village. 

He  at  once  retorted  : “ White  man,  if  all  the  fowls  you  have 
eaten  from  our  village  were  to  cackle  and  crow  simultaneously 
in  your  stomach,  there  would  be  a tremendous  noise.”  And 
as  he  spoke  there  w^as  a good-humoured  twinkle  in  his  eye 
as  he  conjured  up  the  noisy  scene. 

Formerly  the  term  Bangala  w'as  applied  only  to  those 
natives  who  lived  at  Diboko  (Nouvelles  Anvers),  and  for  forty 
or  fifty  miles  up  and  down  the  river  on  either  [side  of  them  ; 
but  in  a work  published  in  Brussels  called  Les  Bangalas,^ 
the  term  Bangala  is  made  to  cover  an  area  reaching  far  east 
of  Bopoto,  west  of  Equatorville,  north  of  the  Welle,  and 
south  of  the  Congo  River  for  some  distance.  This  includes 
a dozen  or  more  different  tribes,  talking  as  many  distinct 
languages,  having  various  tribal  marks,  possessing  in  many 
instances  very  different  customs,  etc.,  and  among  whom 
there  is  nothing  in  common  except  their  black  skins  and 
backwardness  in  civilization.  Since  seeing  the  above-mentioned 
book,  I have  preferred  using  Boloki  as  a more  definite  term 
for  denoting  the  inhabitants  of  certain  towns  on  the  main 
river,  on  the  Mobangi  River,  and  the  Libinza  Lake.  Inter- 
mixed with  the  Boloki  towms  on  the  Congo  River  are  other 
towns  belonging  to  a hinterland  people  well  known  to  us  as 
the  Bomuna. 

The  Boloki  folk  have  very  hazy  ideas  about  relationship, 
and  scarcely  any  two  will  give  the  same  name  to  all  the  relatives, 
and,  moreover,  if  you  take  a list  of  the  names  of  relations  from 
a young  man  and  put  it  aw'ay  for  six  months,  and  then  ask 
the  same  lad  about  the  same  relations  in  the  same  order  as 
before,  with  your  list  in  front  of  you,  he  will  give  you  another 
set  of  names  that  will  not  tally  with  your  first  one  in  several 
points.  I have  made  many  attempts  to  draw  up  a complete 
list,^  and  if  I had  been  satisfied  to  take  one  man  and  examine 

* By  M.  Cyr.  van  Overbergh  and  M.  de  Jonghe. 

^ See  Appendix,  Note  4,  page  342. 

161 


L 


MOVEMENT  OF  TRIBES 


him  once  only,  I might  have  procured  a list  of  the  names 
of  relations  that  would  have  been  full,  but  it  would  have 
been  inaccurate,  i.e,  it  would  have  been  that  man’s  list  then,  but 
it  would  not  have  been  his  six  or  eight  months  later,  and  it 
would  not  have  been  anyone  else’s  list  even  at  the  time  he 
gave  it  to  me.  In  this  there  was  no  desire  to  deceive  us,  for 
we  found  the  same  difficulty  on  the  Lower  Congo. 

Among  the  Boloki  there  is  no  historical  literature,  for  not 
a single  member  of  the  tribe  could  write  until  we  taught 
them  ; but  although  there  is  no  written  history  there  has  been 
much  oral  communication  dealing  with  the  origin  of  the  tribe, 
the  place  from  whence  it  came,  the  approximate  time  of  the 
migration,  and  the  reason  for  it.  Their  communications 
have  been  handed  from  father  to  son,  and  the  facts  have  been 
the  eonstant  theme  of  fireside  conversations. 

The  following  incidents  conneeted  with  the  migrations 
of  a large  portion  of  the  tribe  from  the  low-lying  Libinza 
Lake  district  to  the  main  river  I gathered  from  a man  of 
about  35  years  of  age,  of  good  intelligence,  and  I have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  they  are  the  putting  together  of 
what  he  frequently  heard  around  the  ev'ening  fires,  as  well  as 
what  he  learned  from  his  father.  Besides,  in  ehatting  with 
other  folk,  I have  gathered  various  particulars  that  confirm 
his  statements,  and  the  constant  antagonism  shown  by  the 
Bomuna  people  to  the  Boloki,  and  the  geographical  distri- 
bution of  these  two  tribes,  all  go  to  prove  the  truthfulness 
the  main  facts  of  this  page  from  native  history. 

The  Bomuna  people,  about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  eame  from  the  bush  towns  lying  in  the  forest  between 
the  Mobangi  and  the  Congo  Rivers,  and  settled  on  the  bank 
of  the  main  river.  Not  being  a riverine  people,  they  had 
no  knowledge  of  swimming,  and  possessed  no  canoes.  They 
worked  their  way  along  the  river’s  bank  from  the  Monsembe 
district  up-river  until  they  came  to  the  Ejeba  stream,  near 
the  village  of  Nyoi,  which  deep  stream  they  passed  by  means 
of  a stout  eane-ereeper  that  happened  to  stretch  across  the 

162 


Pho'o  by'\  [the  Aitthoy 

A Monitor 

These  creatures  «'ire  very  scarce  ; but  our  lads  killed  this  one.  and  brought  it  to  me  before  cutting 
it  up  for  the  saucepan.  It  was  8 feet  7 inches  long. 


A Native  Hut 

A native  house  of  the  size  and  shape  that  we  bought  for  5s.  id.  The  old  man  on  the  right  illlus- 
traies  a method  of  hair  dressing— shaving  the  hair  so  as  to  show  a very  round  face  and  high 
forehead. 


MOVEMENT  OF  TRIBES 


water  from  the  overhanging  trees.  Many  passed,  and  while 
others  were  working  their  way  hand  over  hand  along  the  eane 
creeper  it  broke,  and  thus  severed  the  only  means  of  eommuni- 
cation  between  those  on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  stream. 
Those  who  found  themselves  on  the  eastern  side  continued 
their  journey,  and  founded  the  settlements  of  Diboko  (some- 
times called  Iboko),  now  Nouvelles  Anvers.  Thus  the  ancient 
people  of  Diboko  were  Bomuna  of  the  tribe  of  Bobanga,  of 
whom  the  chief,  Mata  Bwiki,  is  the  best  known  to  fame,  being 
the  head-man  who  encountered  Stanley,  and  on  whose  land 
the  Congo  Free  State  built  their  station  of  Nouvelles  Anvers. 

The  Bomuna  folk  left  on  the  western  side  of  the  stream 
settled  on  suitable  town  sites  in  the  Mungala  Creek  above 
Monsembe,  and  along  the  banks  of  the  main  river  below 
Monsembe.  I knew  this  braneh  of  the  tribe  well  as  being  both 
ignorant  and  timid  in  all  matters  relating  to  water  and 
canoes. 

Between  forty  and  fifty  years  ago  some  Libinza  Lake  people 
of  the  tribe  of  Boloki  left  their  swampy  island  homes  under 
the  leadership  of  Munyata,  and  working  their  way  in  shallow 
canoes  through  the  creeks,  they  came  out  on  the  main  river 
near  to  Moboko.  They  paddled  down  the  river  to  the  Mungala 
Creek,  whieh  at  that  time  was  inhabited  by  Bomuna  people. 
There  Munyata  made  blood-brotherhood  with  Munkua,  the 
chief  of  the  Bomuna,  and  settled  there  with  his  people.  The 
Bomuna  at  that  time  possessed  no  spears,  but  did  their  hunting 
and  fighting  with  sharpened  sticks,  the  points  of  which  were 
hardened  in  the  fire.  Munyata  presented  Munkua  with  a 
spear,  and  received  a fine  young  woman  as  a return  present. 

Munyata,  the  Boloki  chief,  was  apparently  a very  grasping 
man,  for  although  he  had  several  wives  he  coveted  more, 
and  was  always  asking  Munkua  for  one  of  his.  For  a time 
Munkua  occasionally  gave  one  ; but  Munyata  let  it  be  known 
that  any  woman  who  ran  to  him  would  be  retained,  and  so 
mueh  was  the  Boloki  chief  admired  and  feared,  that  one  after 
another  of  the  wives  of  Munkua  eseaped  to  him,  until  at  last 

163 


MURDER  OF  BOLOKI  CHIEF 


only  one,  his  favourite,  or  principal  (nkundi)  wife  was  left, 
and  she  was  eventually  stolen  from  him  by  Munyata.  So 
exasperated  was  Munkua  by  this  treatment  that,  taking 
advantage  of  the  first  opportunity  that  offered,  he  speared 
Munyata  to  death. 

On  the  murder  of  Munyata  the  Boloki  folk  came  out  in 
crowds  from  the  Libinza  Lake  to  avenge  the  death  of  their 
head-man,  and  so  successful  were  they  with  their  iron  spears 
against  the  sharpened  sticks  of  the  Bomuna  that,  although 
more  numerous,  the  latter  gave  way  before  their  fierce  on- 
slaught. Many  escaped,  but  some  took  refuge  in  a high  bombax 
tree.  The  tree  was  surrounded  by  the  Boloki,  who  threatened 
to  starve  their  enemies  to  death  unless  they  submitted ; 
and  apparently  after  some  palavering  the  entrapped  people 
had  the  privilege  accorded  to  them  of  selecting  their  own 
future  owners.  Thus  one  would  say,  “ I will  take  So-and-so 
as  my  master,”  and  on  his  request  being  agreed  to  he  would 
climb  down  the  tree  and  take  his  place  among  the  followers 
of  his  new  master.  In  this  way  they  divided  themselves 
among  their  conquerors,  and  it  seems  from  all  accounts  they 
were  well  treated  by  the  Boloki. 

Other  contingents  of  the  Boloki  came  out  on  to  the  main 
river  and  wrested  sites  from  the  Bomuna  at  Monsembe, 
Lobengu,  Maleli,  and  Bokomela,  and  up-river  at  Bombilinga. 
In  the  meantime  the  Diboko  Bomuna  had  increased  in  numbers, 
had  become  possessed  of  canoes,  and  had  learned  the  way  to 
manage  them.  Their  numbers  also  had  been  greatly  augmented, 
and  their  passions  inflamed  by  those  who  had  escaped  from 
the  Mungala  Creek  before,  and  during,  the  fight  caused  by 
the  death  of  Munyata.  These  Diboko  Bomuna  so  harassed 
and  fought  the  Mungala  Creek  Boloki  that  numbers  of  them 
fled  up-river  (undoubtedly  passing  behind  the  islands  to  avoid 
their  enemies  at  Diboko),  and  established  themselves  at 
Mobeka,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mungala  River  many  miles  above 
Diboko.  When  first  we  went  to  live  at  Monsembe  a very  high 
tree  that  stood  on  the  bank  at  the  bend  of  the  river  was  pointed 

164 


LIBINZA  LAKE 

out  to  me  as  their  post  of  observation  when  watching  for  the 
Diboko  Bomuna. 

The  Boloki  tribe  in  1890  possessed  the  following  districts  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Congo  : Mobeka,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mun- 
gala  River,  Bombilinga,  the  Mungala  Creek  towns,  Monsembe, 
Lobengu,  situated  in  the  Mangala  Creek,  Moleli,  Bokomela, 
and  Bungundu.  On  the  south  bank  they  owned  Bokumbi, 
Libulula,  and  Bolombo.  At  some  time  or  other  the  people 
of  Bungundu,  Bokomela,  Moleli,  and  Lobengu  were  called 
Mangala,  and  gave  their  name  to  the  creek  in  which  their 
principal  town  was  built.  Perhaps  there  was  a powerful  family 
called  Mangala,  and  this  has  been  corrupted  into  Bangala ; 
or  the  Mungala  River  was  supposed  to  be  the  original  home 
of  these  people,  and  as  mu  means  place,  locality,  and  ba  means 
people,  it  was  easy  to  call  the  people  the  Bangala.  I am 
rather  inclined  to  the  latter  reason  for  the  origin  of  the  term 
among  white  people,  but  the  natives  themselves  never  used 
the  name  Bangala. 

Near  to  Mobeka  are  the  Ngombe  people,  who  are  also  called 
Bokumbi,  and  this  tribe  in  1908  was  becoming  mixed  with 
the  neighbouring  tribes  ; and  as  they  are  being  absorbed  into 
them  they  no  longer  call  themselves  Ngombe  or  Bokumbi, 
but  appropriate  the  names  of  the  peoples  whose  language 
they  learn  and  whose  tribal  mark  they  imitate.  The  hinter- 
land folk  of  Diboko  belong  to  the  3Iokulu  tribe,  and  the  Bomuna 
of  Diboko  to  the  Bobanga  tribe  ; others  in  between  the  Boloki 
towns  down  to  Bokomela  retain  their  old  name  of  Bomuna. 
Below  Bokomela  is  the  Mbonji  tribe  that  came  originally  from 
the  bush.  The  Baloi  on  the  Mobangi  River  are  Boloki  from 
Lake  Libinza. 

The  Libinza  Lake  is  a large  sheet  of  shallow’  water  that 
drains  itself,  by  the  Ngiri  River,  into  the  Mobangi,  and  retains 
its  distinctive  eolour  for  many  miles.  Islands  have  been 
slowly  made  with  great  labour,  and  they  need  constant  watching 
or  they  will  be  washed  away  by  the  annual  floods.  The  folk 
drove  stakes  around  any  slight  elevations  shown  at  low  water, 

165 


A FAMOUS  CHIEF 


and  then  dug  up  clay  and  mud  from  the  bottom  of  the  lake 
and  put  inside  the  stakes,  and  thus  formed  an  island.  These 
islands  are  small,  but  they  are  numerous,  and  are  often  linked 
together  by  bridges.  There  are  some  large  islands,  but  most 
of  them  are  small.  The  lake  was  thickly  populated  in  the 
nineties  with  expert  fishermen  and  saucepan-makers  ; and  they 
often  came  out  in  parties  of  twenty  and  thirty  to  fish  with 
their  peculiar  box-shaped  nets,  and  to  sell  their  fish,  their 
saucepans,  and  “ fire-pots  ” to  the  riverine  people  for  cassava 
roots.  They  frequently  camped  on  our  beach,  and  thus  we 
saw  much  of  them.  The  Libinza  folk  lived  chiefly  on  plantains, 
as  cassava  would  not  grow  in  their  swampy  soil,  hence  they 
always  exchanged  their  wares  for  cassava  ; and  this  may  have 
been  one  of  the  reasons  why  Munyata  came  out  from  the  lake, 
to  establish  a centre  of  exchange  for  cassava  roots. 

The  tribe  near  the  river  always  ridicules  the  tribe  behind 
in  the  bush,  as  the  Boloki  laugh  at  the  Bomuna,  and  the 
Bomuna  at  the  Ndobo  people  further  behind.  The  Boloki 
are  proud  of  their  name  and  their  origin  ; and  the  neighbouring 
tribes  acknowledge  their  courage  and  endurance,  and  prefer 
their  friendship  to  their  enmity.  The  following  is  an  instance 
of  their  bravery  and  the  long  distances  the  Boloki  men  paddled 
on  their  raiding  expeditions  : In  the  beginning  of  1891  there 
was  a big  fight  in  our  vicinity,  and  on  inquiring  the  cause 
we  learned  that  the  reason  for  the  fight  between  these  Boloki 
towns  was  this  : A year  or  two  before  our  arrival  the  Boloki 
of  the  Monsembe  district  paddled  over  300  miles  up-river  and 
raided  the  Bopoto  riverine  towns,  carrying  off  a quantity 
of  loot  and  a number  of  captives  ; and  the  unsatisfactory 
division  of  the  spoils  culminated  in  the  fight  that  cost  some 
few  lives. 

About  1870  there  lived  at  Mobeka  (one  of  the  Boloki  toAvns) 
a chief  who  styled  himself  Monolco  mwa  Nkoi,  or  Mouth  of  a 
Leopard,  for  he  boasted  that,  like  that  animal,  he  never  let 
go  any  person  unfortunate  enough  to  fall  into  his  clutches. 
He  was  the  terror  of  the  district,  and  a message  from  him  made 

166 


COMETS  AN  EVIDENCE  OF  GREATNESS 


a whole  town  quake  with  fear ; and  a demand  from  him  was 
instantly  obeyed  from  apprehension  of  the  consequences. 
He  was  a man  of  war,  a cruel  warrior  who  held  life  cheap ; 
and  he  burnt  down  many  a town,  scattered  the  people,  or 
took  them  as  slaves.  On  one  of  his  raids  among  the  Bopoto 
towns  (which  district  is  about  130  miles  above  Mobeka)  he 
was  mortally  wounded  and  carried  back  to  his  town,  where 
he  died.  About  the  time  of  his  death  a large  comet  appeared, 
which  was  described  by  my  informant  as  being  “ like  a large 
star  with  a hat  on  it.”  It  was  seen  for  three  nights  in  suecession, 
and  was  regarded  as  a sign  of  the  greatness  of  Monoko  mwa 
Nkoi. 

Abnormal  appearances  in  the  sky  are  either  the  evidences 
of  the  death  of  some  great  chief  whom  they  do  not  know, 
because  he  lived  and  died  among  a distant  tribe,  or  are  a proof 
of  the  greatness  of  a chief  who  has  died  within  the  limits  of 
their  own  district.  I have  also  known  them  to  blame  a lad, 
recently  buried,  for  the  tornado  that  was  rushing  across 
their  village,  shaking  their  huts  and  uprooting  their  plantains 
and  bananas.  They  abused  him  in  unmeasured  language, 
and  expressed  the  hope  that  he  would  be  “ humbugged  ” 
in  the  nether  regions.  Emanya  of  Diboko  is  the  name  of 
another  fighter  whose  cruel  exploits  are  the  subject  of  con- 
versations around  the  evening  fires. 

The  tattoo  marks  give  indications  of  tribal  movements, 
and  also  some  idea  of  the  various  component  parts  that  go  to 
the  making  of  a village  community.  I have  noticed  three  kinds 
of  tattooing  among  the  Boloki.  (1)  A single  line  of  elliptical 
punch-marks  running  from  temple  to  temple  just  above  the 
eyebrows.  (2)  A cock’s  comb  (called  likrvala)  running  from 
the  tip  of  the  nose  in  some,  and  from  between  the  eyebrows 
in  others,  to  the  crown  of  the  head.  (3)  A cock’s  comb  plus 
a palm  leaf  on  each  temple,  or  some  other  marking.  When 
you  look  at  the  profile  of  a man  his  tattoo  stands  out  like  a 
cock’s  comb,  hence  the  name. 

The  first  kind  of  tattooing — line  of  elliptical  punch-marks — 

167 


TRIBAL  MARKS  AND  MEANING 

is  to  be  found  only  on  the  old  men  and  women,  indieating 
that  they  are  probably  some  of  the  original  contingent  of 
Libinza  Lake  people  who  forced  a footing  on  the  main  river. 
They  cling  to  the  Libinza  tribal  mark,  being  proud  of  their 
kinsfolk  and  their  origin.  The  second  tattoo  is  seen  on  boys 
and  girls,  and  on  men  and  women  from  35  downwards, 
and  shows  that  the  new  marking  had  come  into  fashion  when 
they  were  young,  and  was  sufficiently  in  favour  to  supplant 
the  old  Libinza  marking.  On  men  and  women  from  35 
to  45  there  were  (in  1900)  slight  traces  of  the  Libinza 
marks,  but  the  cock’s  comb  was  the  more  prominent  tattoo. 
Whence  did  they  borrow  the  cock’s-comb  tattoo  ? is  a question 
I have  often  asked  myself ; or  did  they  originate  it  as  a dis- 
tinctive mark  of  their  own  as  they  became  a separate  tribe  and 
the  ties  binding  them  to  the  Libinza  people  gradually  faded  ? 
The  third  set  of  marks  is  to  be  found  on  the  slaves,  who  imitate 
the  tattoo  of  their  masters.  Hence  the  Mongo  tribal  marks — 
lumps  the  size  of  a bean  on  the  nose  and  across  the  forehead — 
will  be  seen  on  a man  in  conjunction  with  the  cock’s  comb  ; 
or  the  palm  leaf  on  the  temples — mark  of  a tribe  on  the  upper 
Lulanga  River — and  the  cock’s  comb.  Slaves  captured  or 
bought  young  allow  their  distinctive  tribal  mark  to  disappear, 
and  try  to  work  up  a good-sized  cock’s  comb  like  their  owners, 
so  as  to  be  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  same  tribe  as  their 
masters. 


168 


CHAPTER  XII 


NATIVE  GOVERNMENT  AND  THE 
NATIVES 


No  paramount  chiefs— Head-man  rules  his  own  family — Stanley’s  “ Lord  of 
many  guns  ” — Monanga^  a term  of  respect — The  alien  is  robbed — The 
guest  protected — Arrival  of  canoes — Estimation  of  native  character — 
Good  memories — Learning  to  read  pictures — Timid  and  superstitious — 
Lack  of  reverence — Pride — Greedy  and  mean. 

Among  the  Bolokl  there  are  no  paramount  chiefs.  Each 
town  has  its  set  of  families  that  prefer  living  together,  and 
^ each  family  has  its  head  called  mala,  who  is  the  eldest  son, 
and  who  as  eldest  takes  the  title  and  the  largest  share  of  the 
estate.  At  any  time  a family  is  at  liberty  to  break  away  from 
the  rest  and  live  by  itself  on  a new  site.  The  mata  may  be  a 
man  with  wives,  slaves,  and  followers  numbering  from  200  to 
300  and  even  more,  or  the  mata  may  not  be  able  to  muster 
more  than  fifteen  or  twenty  people  ; yet  as  head  of  his  family 
he  possesses  the  same  title  [mata]  as  the  more  powerful  ones. 

Stanley  in  his  books  on  the  Congo  uses  many  phrases  about 
Mata  Bwiki  of  Diboko  (now  Nouvelles  Anvers)  that  favour  the 
idea  that  he  was  an  overlord,  or  lord  paramount  of  the  dis- 
trict ; but  that  was  not  so.  Mata  bwiki  simply  means  Head- 
man Plenty,  or  Plentifulness.  Stanley,  I think,  gives  as  its 
meaning,  “ Lord  of  Many  Guns,”  but  his  name  then  should 
have  been,  Monanga  wa  bibau  biki =\ord  of  guns  many.  Stanley 
on  his  memorable  journey  happened  to  go  ashore  at  the  landing- 
place  belonging  to  B wiki’s  family,  and  he  as  head  of  his  family 
took  the  lead  in  Stanley’s  reception.  If  Stanley  had  landed 

169 


MONANGA  A TERM  OF  RESPECT 


half  a mile  above  or  half  a mile  below  that  particular  spot  he 
might  never  have  heard  of  Mata  Bwiki. 

The  word  monanga  is  used  in  a restricted  way  as  meaning 
a free-born  person,  either  male  or  female.  It  also  is  employed 
as  a term  of  respect  and  means  “ lord,”  and  frequently  is 
equivalent  to  Mr.,  Monsieur,  etc.  It  is  attached  to  the  name 
of  any  man  to  whom  or  of  whom  you  wish  to  speak  with 
deference  and  respect.  We  are  always  addressed  as  monanga, 
but  never  as  mata  ; and  many  of  the  more  wealthy  natives 
who  are  not  mata  are  spoken  of  as  monanga,  and  all  who  are 
entitled  to  be  called  mata  have  a right  to  be  addressed  as 
monanga,  but  they  prefer  the  former  title.  Mata  is  distinctly 
the  hereditary  designation  of  the  eldest  son  and  points  to  him 
as  the  head  of  his  family,  and  monanga  a courtesy  title  of 
respect. 

The  mata  then  governs  all  matters  relating  to  his  own 
family,  and  from  his  decisions  there  is  no  appeal.  Undoubtedly 
he  calls  together  the  elder  folk  of  his  family  to  counsel  him  on 
important  affairs  ; and  these  head-men  of  the  village  meet  under 
the  wild  fig  tree,  or  in  the  palaver  house,  and  decide  village 
matters  as  between  family  and  family,  and  also  their  policy 
towards  other  villages  in  the  district.  There  is  an  unwritten 
code  of  laws  dealing  with  most  offences,  and  by  these  the  heads 
of  the  families  judge  eaeh  other  and  the  members  of  their 
own  families. 

The  status  of  a person  in  the  family  and  town  council  depends 
on  whether  he  is  entirely  free-born,  or  slave-born,  or  partly  so. 
A child  of  slaves  is  a slave,  and  as  such  his  advice  is  never 
sought ; a child  of  a slave  father  by  a free  woman,  or  of  a slave 
woman  by  a free  father,  is  a semi-slave  (mbotela),  but  the  posi- 
tion of  the  latter  in  the  family  life  is  much  higher  than  that  of 
the  slave,  yet  of  course  he  does  not  rank  so  high  as  the  child 
born  of  free  parents.  Birth  alone  constitutes  membership  of 
the  family  and  tribe.  A slave  who  redeems  himself  (a  very 
rare  occurrence,  for  all  that  a slave  earns  belongs  to  his  master) 
will  be  tolerated  in  his  attempts  to  pass  himself  off  as  a member 

170 


THE  ALIEN  IS  ROBBED 


of  the  tribe  ; he  may  affect  the  tribal  mark,  and  also  plait  his 
beard,  etc.,  and  his  wealth  may  win  respect,  but  being  of  no 
family  he  will  have  no  influence  in  the  palavers  of  the  village. 

In  dealing  with  an  alien  it  is  not  considered  wrong  to  rob, 
beat,  abuse,  or  even  murder  him,  unless  he  has  come  on  a visit, 
for  trade  or  other  purposes,  to  someone  in  the  town.  He  will 
then  be  under  the  protection  of  his  host,  and  receiving  the 
hospitality  of  his  host  he  will  also  receive  the  hospitality  of 
the  town  and  neighbourhood.  The  host  will  have  a casus 
belli  against  anyone  who  molests  his  guest ; and  a village,  on 
the  other  hand,  will  hold  a host  responsible  for  the  offensive 
actions  of  his  guest.  Men  and  women  travelling  alone,  or  in 
twos  and  threes  in  places  where  they  are  not  known,  run  the 
risk  of  being  captured.  Such  defenceless  travellers  hide  by 
day  and  travel  by  night  to  their  destinations. 

Green,  in  his  Shorter  History  of  England,  says  that  “ in 
ancient  times  the  painted  British  savage  on  approaching  a 
village  sounded  a horn  to  warn  the  villagers  of  his  coming, 
otherwise  he  would  have  been  treated  as  an  enemy  who  tried 
to  surprise  them  by  stealth.”  Among  the  Boloki  it  is  the 
custom  that  when  a canoe  containing  six  or  more  men  ap- 
proaches a town  they  have  to  beat  a drum  and  sing  to  notify 
the  folk  of  their  coming,  otherwise  they  are  treated  as  enemies 
and  lay  themselves  open  to  an  attack.  For  a canoe  of  strangers 
from  other  towns  and  districts  to  approach  a town  unannounced 
by  drum  and  song  is  regarded  as  an  act  of  war.  If  their  coming 
is  peaceful,  why  are  they  afraid  to  drum  and  sing  ? I have 
seen  the  crew  of  such  a canoe  badly  handled  for  omitting  these 
courtesies,  and  but  for  our  presence  some  of  the  travellers 
would  have  been  speared. 

The  mata  in  the  performance  of  his  duties  as  head-man  has 
to  guard,  in  the  interests  of  his  family,  all  those  palm  trees 
and  nsafu  {canuarensis)  trees  that  have  been  planted  by  his 
forebears.  The  proprietary  rights  in  these  trees  are  by  in- 
heritance, or  by  planting  them,  and  the  rights  in  them  are 
handed  on  from  father  to  son  in  the  proper  line  of  heirship. 

171 


ESTIMATION  OF  NATIVE  CHARACTER 


They  are  sourees  of  wealth  to  a family,  and  the  members  of  a 
family  support  their  ehief  man  when  those  rights  are  infringed. 

The  head-man  in  the  government  of  his  family  holds  a very 
diffieult  position  when  sitting  in  judgment  on  a relative,  for 
such  is  the  character  of  the  family  life  that  if  he  fines  the 
delinquent  he  will  be  punishing  himself  indirectly — the  family 
stands  or  falls  together.  Robbery,  adultery,  wounding,  and 
murder  when  committed  within  the  limits  of  one’s  own  family 
will  receive  the  strong  disapprobation  of  the  other  members, 
but  there  is  no  punishment  that  the  mata  can  inflict  unless 
the  offender  is  a boy,  and  then  a sound  thrashing  will  be 
administered ; for  will  they  not  be  punishing  themselves  if 
they  insist  on  the  infliction  of  a fine  and  to  whom  can  the 
fine  be  paid  ? The  fine  imposed  would  have  to  be  paid  by 
the  family  to  itself.  The  mala,  therefore,  in  ruling  his  family 
exercises  his  greatest  tact  in  maintaining  the  various  units  of 
which  it  is  composed  in  the  friendliest  relation  to  each  other 
and  to  himself.  Then  he  has  to  keep  a strong  hand  on  the 
family  slaves,  for  he  and  his  family  will  be  held  responsible 
for  whatever  offences  they  commit  against  other  families  ; 
and  if  they  fight  and  quarrel  amongst  themselves,  his  only 
wise  course  is  to  sell  them  and  buy  others  who  may  not  be  so 
contentious. 

I never  came  across  a more  democratic  form  of  government 
on  the  Congo  than  that  of  the  Boloki  tribe.  There  is  no  prestige 
of  birth  to  help,  as  among  the  Lower  Congo  chiefs,  for  his 
subjects  are  of  the  same  blood  as  himself — except  his  slaves, 
and  they  are  his  property  and  not  his  subjects.  He  has  no 
position  of  priesthood  (as  the  family  “ medicine  man  ”)  to 
inspire  with  awe  those  who  owe  fealty  to  him  as  head-man  ; 
and  there  is  no  position  he  can  gain  in  any  secret  society  that 
will  inspire  with  fear  of  him  the  other  members  of  his  family. 
His  position  is  no  sinecure,  and  while  his  trouble  is  great  his 
perquisites  are  few. 

Perhaps  this  will  be  the  best  place  to  attempt  an  estimate 
of  the  Boloki  folk  who  thus  live  in  families  each  under  the 


172 


LEARNING  TO  READ  PICTURES 


rule  of  a head-man,  and  in  village  eommunities  governed  by 
elders  or  head-men.  Their  memories  are  exeeedingly  good 
respecting  the  debts  owing  to  them,  but  with  regard  to  the 
debts  they  owe  they  have,  or  pretend  to  have,  very  bad  memo- 
ries— it  is  for  the  creditor  to  keep  in  mind  the  debts  owing  to 
him,  and  to  bring  the  proofs  at  the  proper  time. 

There  are  occasionally  cases  of  insanity  among  them,  some 
caused  by  uterine  trouble,  and  others  are  the  results  of  sleeping- 
sickness.  If  insanity  is  of  long  duration  and  the  patients  are 
destructive  or  troublesome,  they  are  quietly  put  out  of  the 
way.  I only  met  with  one  man  who  ran  amok.  He  had  had  a 
very  serious  illness,  and  either  the  illness  or  the  decoctions 
given  to  him  to  effect  his  cure  made  him  temporarily  mad. 
He  cut  down  all  the  plantain  trees  in  his  path,  and  destroyed 
everything  he  came  near ; the  people  cleared  out  of  his  way, 
but  being  a man  of  importance  he  got  off  without  any  payment 
of  damages. 

When  I went  first  to  live  among  the  people  of  Monsembe 
I had  with  me  a roughly  bound  volume  of  the  Illustrated  London 
News.  It  w’as  very  interesting  to  watch  the  development  of 
their  artistic  faculties.  At  first  they  looked  at  a picture  and 
asked  what  the  marks  were  ; they  held  the  picture  anyhow, 
and  looked  at  it  from  any  point  that  might  be  convenient  to 
them  without  any  regard  to  the  picture  being  right  side  up, 
or  upside  down,  or  any  other  way.  By  and  by  they  began  to 
pick  out  the  features,  one  by  one,  and  say,  “ Why,  it  is  a man  ! ” 
They  would  pick  out  the  doors,  windows,  walls,  etc.,  and  re- 
mark, “ Why,  it  is  a house  ! ” After  a time  they  would  drop 
this  spelling  out,  as  it  were,  of  the  picture  and  say,  “ A man, 
a woman,  a house,”  etc.,  at  once.  Later  on,  they  would  take 
in  the  whole  of  a picture  at  a glance.  I suppose  it  is  in  this 
way  we  learn  pictures  in  our  childhood — spell  them  out. 
It  was  interesting  to  watch  the  same  process  in  young  men, 
women,  and  adults. 

I remember  one  day  a man  was  looking  at  a picture  of  the 
members  of  the  L.C.C.  gathered  in  their  council  chamber. 

173 


RESPECT  FOR  FORCE 


He  asked  what  it  meant,  and  I explained  the  signifieance  of 
the  assembly.  He  eould  only  see  well  with  one  eye,  and  with 
that  one  he  very  earefully  scanned  the  whole  of  the  picture 
for  two  or  three  minutes,  and  then  he  asked  in  an  incredulous 
tone  of  voice : “ This  is  a picture  of  men  met  to  talk  palavers, 
but  where  are  their  spears  and  knives  ? ” The  natives  never 
talked  palavers  without  having  their  spears  and  knives  ready 
to  hand,  hence  the  doubt  expressed  in  his  question  and  voice. 

The  native  has  immense  respect  for  force,  but  totally  de- 
spises gentleness.  He  likes  to  be  treated  with  kindness  and 
consideration,  but  instead  of  regarding  such  treatment  as  an 
expression  of  your  goodness  he  considers  it  a sign  of  your 
weakness,  and  will  behave  accordingly.  If  you  point  out  to 
him  that  you  treat  him  with  kindness  and  expect  some  con- 
sideration in  return,  he  will  acknowledge  that  that  is  fair  and 
right,  and  will  for  a time  try  to  act  more  thoughtfully,  but 
soon  the  better  feeling  will  pass  away  unless  you  constantly 
remind  him  of  his  many  deficiencies — of  all  that  he  has  to 
learn  and  all  that  he  needs  to  become. 

To  teach  a native  that  he  is  your  equal  in  all  things  is  not 
to  incite  a desire  on  his  part  to  emulate  you,  but  rather  tends 
to  cause  him  to  regard  you  with  disrespect  and  contempt. 
The  native  knows  he  is  not  your  equal,  and  he  thinks  you  must 
have  a despicable  twist  in  your  vision,  and  some  bad,  ulterior 
motive,  if  you  think  that  he  is  your  equal  and  wish  him  also 
to  believe  the  same.  I teach  him  that  he  is  a creature  of  God 
as  I am,  that  the  Redeemer  died  as  much  for  him  as  for  me, 
and  that  God  will  judge  him  righteously,  and  will  show  neither 
of  us  favour  or  disfavour  on  account  of  the  colour  of  our  skins. 
At  the  same  time,  the  relation  between  teacher  and  taught 
must  be  maintained,  and  he  must  be  made  to  understand  in 
how  many  ways  he  must  be  changed — morally,  intellectually, 
and  socially  ; and  that  before  he  can  take  his  place  among 
civilized  and  Christian  men  he  must  rise  out  of  his  degrading 
superstitions,  control  his  lusts,  govern  his  passions,  and  strive 
after  all  that  is  good,  noble,  and  beautiful.  He  will  admit 

174 


NOT  LACKING  IN  GRATITUDE 


that  you  are  his  superior  in  every  way,  but  unless  you  firmly 
insist  on  his  taking  his  right  position  as  a learner  he  will  con- 
duct himself  towards  you  with  less  respect  than  he  pays  to 
the  smallest  and  poorest  chief  in  his  district,  and  in  a short 
time  your  influence  will  be  gone  and  you  will  wonder  why. 

Treat  the  native  with  respect,  and  insist  on  receiving  the 
same  from  him  ; treat  him  with  firmness,  decision,  masterful- 
ness, and  he  will  go  as  a rule  as  far  as  you  want  him  to  go.  Faith- 
fully keep  all  your  promises  and  fulfil  all  your  threats,  therefore 
never  make  a promise  you  do  not  intend  to  redeem,  and  never 
threaten  a thing  you  are  not  able,  on  the  face  of  it,  to  perform, 
i.e.  treat  the  native  with  gentle  firmness,  persuasive  force, 
and  masterful  consideration,  and  you  will  get  the  best  out  of 
him,  and  cause  him  to  respect  himself  while  respecting  you. 

The  native  can  love  and  he  can  hate  ; but  he  is  neither  a 
good  lover  nor  a strong  hater.  His  affections  are  neither 
steady  nor  permanent.  He  will,  however,  remember  a wrong 
committed  against  him  much  longer  than  a good  deed  done 
to  help  him.  He  is  moved  more  by  fear  of  pain,  by  loss  of 
material  profit,  and  by  public  opinion  than  swayed  by  prin- 
ciples and  arguments.  He  will  float  with  the  stream  rather 
than  continually  struggle  against  it ; but  at  the  same  time  he 
can  obstinately  and  doggedly  follow  a course  that  will  result 
in  physical  pain,  financial  loss,  and  ridicule  if  he  is  once  per- 
suaded that  his  ultimate  interests  lie  in  that  direction. 

He  is  not  lacking  in  gratitude,  but  he  is  afraid  of  displaying 
it  lest  a favour  be  asked  of  him  in  return.  When  you  visit 
him  he  will  remind  you  of  the  fact  that  you  mended  his  broken 
leg  or  cured  his  disease,  not  to  make  it  the  basis  of  a generous 
act  towards  you,  but  rather  as  a plea  to  procure  something 
extra  out  of  you  by  awakening  your  further  interest  in  him. 

In  some  districts  you  will  find  he  is  more  a liar  than  a thief, 
and  if  you  investigate  you  will  discover  that  the  fines  imposed 
for  thieving  are  such  as  to  deter  him  from  following  his  in- 
clination to  steal.  In  other  districts,  where  the  native  laws 
are  more  lax,  he  will  excel  both  in  thieving  and  lying,  but  he 

175 


TIMID  AND  SUPERSTITIOUS 

will  readily  admit  they  arc  vices  worthy  of  stringent  punish- 
ment, aird  will  express  his  regret  that  the  thief  stole  either 
from  you  or  from  himself,  and  at  the  same  time  he  will  be 
doing  his  best  to  rob  you. 

Before  the  unknown  and  mysterious  he  is  timid  and  very 
superstitious.  He  will  regard  you  as  a god,  and  yet  try  to 
fight  you ; he  will  superstitiously  believe  that  you  have 
wonderful  occult  powers  that  ean  stop  the  rain,  cause  pestilence 
and  plagues,  and  yet  he  will  not  attempt  to  conciliate  you,  but 
will  savagely  shout  at  you  to  clear  out  of  his  town  and  take 
your  witchcraft  elsewhere.  When  fighting  with  a gun  he  is 
timid,  nervous,  and  apparently  very  cowardly,  because  he 
does  not  understand  the  mysteries  of  gunpowder ; but  give  him 
a shield  and  a spear  and  his  bravery  is  evidenced  by  his  boldness 
in  a fight,  and  his  utter  indifference  to  wounds  and  death. 
The  mysterious  overawes,  paralyses  him,  but  superstitious 
fears  will  often  arouse  the  very  demon  of  cruelty  and  vindie- 
tiveness,  and  incite  to  boldness  and  recklessness. 

He  lacks  reverence,  but  is  easily  filled  with  awe  and  overcome 
by  wonder.  The  stars  in  their  courses  make  for  him  no  song 
around  the  eternal  throne ; but  the  smoke  ascending  from  his 
great  bush-fires  forming  a halo  round  the  sun  will  make  him 
quake  with  fear  because  it  is  an  omen  of  evil.  The  movements 
of  the  sun  and  the  moon  awaken  no  admiration  in  him  ; but  ex- 
hibit some  poor  conjuring  trick,  or  a shilling  mechanical  to}%  and 
his  eyes  and  mouth  are  not  big  enough  to  express  his  wonder. 

He  is  prouder  than  Lucifer  is  reputed  to  be,  and  will  resent 
the  smallest  slight  put  upon  his  so-called  dignity.  In  a fit  of 
overweening  vanity  he  Avill  sacrifice  everything  he  possesses, 
and  destroy  all  his  future  prospects  to  satisfy  the  pride  of  the 
moment.  His  family  may  be  insignificant,  his  town  paltry, 
himself  small  and  dirty,  but  touch  his  pride  and  he  will  act 
as  though  he  were  un  grand  seigneur.  He  himself  must  be  the 
judge  of  what  hurts  his  pride,  not  you.  He  has  his  own  code 
of  honour  and  etiquette,  difficult  at  times  for  you  to  understand, 
hence  you  wonder  at  some  of  the  exhibitions  of  his  pride. 

176 


GREEDY  AND  MEAN 


His  memory  is  well  trained,  and  his  powers  of  observation 
keen  and  minute  ; his  ability  to  adapt  himself  to  his  sur- 
roundings is  wonderful,  and  his  imitative  faculties  are  re- 
markable ; but  he  lacks  power  of  mental  concentration  and 
logical  thought.  His  physical  powers  are  highly  developed — 
he  will  carry  a heavy  load,  from  70  lbs.  to  80  lbs.,  up  and  down 
hill  and  across  broken  country,  or  paddle  a heavy  canoe  hour 
after  hour,  without  exhibiting  much  fatigue ; but  he  cannot, 
or  will  not,  follow  a line  of  thought,  metaphorically  speaking, 
for  twenty  yards.  His  reasoning  and  reflective  faculties  are 
stunted,  undeveloped,  for  they  have  been  exercised  upon 
nothing  more  profound  than  the  very  alphabet  of  existence. 
He  knows  that  two  and  two  make  four — that  certain  results 
follow  certain  causes,  but  that  a series  of  causes  will  produce 
a series  of  results  complicated  and  wide-spreading  in  their 
effect  he  cannot  grasp.  He  has  no  power  of  deduction,  and 
little  or  no  faculty  for  producing  a well-developed  plot  or 
involved  plan. 

With  those  who  have  a right  to  a share  of  meat  or  cloth, 
etc.,  he  will  be  most  scrupulous  in  dividing  the  article  into 
equal  portions,  forgetting  no  one  ; but  to  those  who  have  no 
right  to  a share  he  will  be  niggardly,  mean,  selfish,  and  grasp- 
ing. His  apparent  generosity  is  innate  selfishness,  for  he  only 
gives  that  he  may  receive  more  in  return,  and  be  the  giver 
black  or  white  he  will  complain  bitterly  if  the  return  present 
is  not  so  large  as  his  greed  imagined  it  should  be.  Perhaps 
this  trait  in  his  character  may  be  accounted  for  by  his  desire 
to  have  a grand  funeral — the  talk  of  the  village  or  the  country- 
side. For  this  he  will  save  and  scheme,  lie  and  steal,  rob  his 
neighbours,  his  wives,  and  his  children  to  hoard  up  cloth,  etc.,  for 
his  own  burial,  that  he  may  have  a good  start  in  the  spirit  land. 

He  has  a wonderful  power  of  imitation,  but  he  lacks  inven- 
tion and  initiative ; but  this  lack  is  undoubtedly  due  to 
suppression  of  the  inventive  faculty.  For  generations  it  has 
been  the  custom  to  charge  with  witchcraft  anyone  who  has 
commenced  a new  industry  or  discovered  a new  article  of 

177 


H 


BENEFICIAL  RESULTS 


barter.  The  making  of  anything  out  of  the  ordinary  has  brought 
on  the  maker  a charge  of  witchcraft  that  again  and  again  has 
resulted  in  death  by  the  ordeal.  To  know  more  than  others, 
to  be  more  skilful  than  others,  more  energetic,  more  acute  in 
business,  more  smart  in  dress,  has  often  caused  a charge  of 
witchcraft  and  death.  Therefore  the  native  to  save  his  life 
and  live  in  peace  has  smothered  his  inventive  faculty,  and  all 
spirit  of  enterprise  has  been  driven  out  of  him. 

In  the  foregoing  sketch  I have  generalized,  and  have  not 
allowed  for  the  exceptions  that  are  always  to  be  found  to 
every  rule.  Anyone  who  has  lived  among  the  natives,  and 
has  known  them  intimately,  will  supply  examples  of  those 
who  were  kind,  generous,  grateful,  of  others  who  were  affec- 
tionate, devoted,  unselfish,  and  again  of  others  who  were 
patient,  brave,  faithful,  and  persevering  ; but  these  exceptions 
show  that  they  are  capable  of  being  possessed  by  the  noblest 
virtues  and  swayed  by  the  highest  and  purest  motives.  Genera- 
tions of  superstition  and  moral  degradation  have  not  entirely 
obliterated  from  among  them  examples  of  kindness  of  heart 
and  generosity  of  feeling,  and  these  examples  assure  us  that 
with  proper  care  and  cultivation  such  virtues  and  graces  may 
become  more  widespread. 

Those  of  us  who  teach  the  native  in  the  workshop  and  the 
school  find  through  stirring  up  his  moral  and  mental  depths 
many  undesirable  qualities  coming  to  the  top,  and  these  we 
repress  ; but,  on  the  other  hand,  pleasant  traits  also  exhibit 
themselves,  and  these  we  try  to  cultivate.  The  beneficial 
results  may  not  be  obvious  to  the  unseeing  eye  in  the  first 
generation,  and  perhaps  not  in  the  second,  but  they  will 
manifest  themselves  in  due  course.  The  civilization  of  England 
is  the  outcome  of  a thousand  years’  teaching  and  training, 
and  you  cannot  expect  us  to  attain  the  same  results  in  a 
generation  or  two.  It  is,  at  least,  unfair  of  those  who  boast 
of  their  “ superiority  ” to  criticize  us  for  not  accomplishing 
in  a generation  with  “inferior”  material  what  it  has  taken 
a score  of  generations  to  accomplish  in  their  own  case. 

178 


CHAPTER  XIII 


NATIVE  LAWS,  CRIMES,  AND  ORDEALS 


The  family  judge — The  chief  judge — Stolen  property — Punishment  for 
murder — Adultery — The  Court — Native  advocates — No  oaths  adminis- 
tered— Giving  the  ordeal — Various  ordeals — An  impartial  judge  needed 
— White  man  as  judge — A selection  of  cases. 

IT  has  already  been  stated  in  a previous  chapter  that  the 
mata  or  head-man  of  the  family  dealt  with  all  matters 
relating  to  his  own  family,  and  against  his  verdict  there 
was  no  appeal ; and  also  that  the  heads  of  the  several  families 
forming  a town  would  meet  together  and  arrange  the  affairs 
of  their  various  families  ; but  it  sometimes  happened  that 
these  “ heads  ” disagreed,  and  there  was  a need  to  call  in 
some  outsider  to  settle  the  case. 

In  every  district  there  is  a chief  who  is  appointed  by  the 
towns  of  the  district  to  act  as  chief  judge  in  all  important 
matters — at  palavers  between  family  and  family,  and  town 
and  town.  At  the  time  of  his  appointment  the  “ heads  ” of 
all  the  families  living  in  the  district  who  desired  to  come  under 
his  jurisdiction  cut  down  his  plantain  and  banana  trees. 
This  action  gave  him  a casm  belli  against  all  the  towns  that 
acknowledged  him  as  a judge.  By  cutting  down  his  plantains 
he  became  the  offended  party,  and  as  such  had  the  right  of 
aggressive  action  against  the  offenders.  Now,  it  was  the 
custom  that  the  people  of  the  offending  town  must  not  go  to 
fight  the  offended  town,  but  must  wait  for  the  offended  ones 
to  attack  them — the  offenders.  No  subsequent  quarrel  could 
be  taken  up  until  the  first  was  settled.  Hence  the  chief  ap- 

179 


STOLEN  PROPERTY 


pointed  as  judge  might  enrage  a town  by  his  decision,  and  might 
call  on  the  other  towns  to  help  him  in  enforcing  his  verdict,  yet 
the  said  town  could  not  attack  the  chief  judge’s  town  because 
of  the  old-standing  and  unsettled  palaver  of  cutting  down  his 
plantains  and  bananas.  This  ensured  to  the  chief  judge 
immunity  from  quarrels  Avith  the  people  who  did  not  like  his 
decisions,  and  his  immunity  from  all  such  quarrels  was  a 
guarantee  that  there  would  be  a certain  amount  of  justice  and 
impartiality  in  the  verdicts  given.  He  was  paid  to  act  as  judge 
by  those  who  sought  his  services,  and  the  fees  remunerated 
him  for  his  temporary  loss  from  his  destroyed  plantains  and 
bananas. 

There  is  an  unwritten  code  of  rough-and-ready  laws  to 
guide  the  head-men  and  chief  judge  in  deciding  cases.  Stolen 
property  found  on  anyone  can  be  claimed  by  the  owner,  and 
the  possessor  made  to  pay  a fine  unless  he  can  prove  by  wit- 
nesses that  the  article  was  either  given  to  him  or  he  had  bought 
it.  The  giver  or  seller  then  paid  the  fine,  and  in  addition  re- 
turned the  money  he  received  of  the  buyer.  The  thief,  besides 
returning  the  stolen  article  or  replacing  it,  pays,  as  a fine, 
an  amount  equal  to  the  value  of  the  goods  stolen,  and  the  robbed 
person  will  retain  a part  of  the  fine  and  give  the  rest  to  those 
who  helped  him  to  enforce  the  verdict. 

When  an  article  is  stolen  the  owmer  walks  through  the  town 
calling  out  a description  of  it,  and  invoking  on  the  thief  all 
the  fetish  curses  that  come  to  his  mind.  These  curses  are  often 
so  frightful  as  to  intimidate  the  thief,  and  frequently  the  stolen 
goods  are  secretly  replaced.  When  it  is  farm  produce  that  has 
been  purloined,  say  some  cassava,  the  robbed  woman  ties  a 
piece  of  cassava  in  the  cleft  end  of  a stick,  and  fixes  just  below 
it  a piece  of  Euphorbia  candelabra,  a powerful  charm.  This  she 
carries  through  the  town,  calling  out  her  loss  and  invoking 
horrible  curses  on  the  thief,  and  as  she  shouts  she  whacks  her 
fetish  stick,  w ith  another  piece  of  wood,  to  arouse  it  to  action 
against  the  robber. 

When  something  valuable,  such  as  a piece  of  cloth  or  a 

180 


PUNISHMENT  FOR  MURDER 

large  knife  or  an  axe,  Is  lost,  and  the  owner  has  a shrewd 
suspicion  that  a certain  man  is  the  thief,  he  ean  accuse  that 
man,  and  if  the  man  denies  the  theft  his  accuser  can  demand 
that  he  shall  take  the  ordeal  and  thus  definitely  settle  the 
matter.  To  refuse  to  take  the  ordeal  is  an  admission  of  guilt. 
Should  the  test  go  against  the  accused  he  will  have  to  replace 
the  stolen  article,  pay  a fine,  and  all  the  expenses  of  the  ordeal 
drinking.  But  should  the  test  establish  his  innocence,  the 
accuser  then  has  to  compensate  the  accused  and  pay  the  fees 
of  those  who  administer  the  ordeal.  As  a rule,  there  arc  not 
many  accusations  brought  on  mere  suspicion ; they  prefer  to 
discover  the  stolen  property  on  the  thief,  or  trace  it  back  to 
him  through  those  who  have  received  it  or  bought  it  of  him. 

If  a slave  kills  a slave,  the  owner  of  the  murdered  slave 
can  demand  two  and  even  three  slaves  in  place  of  the  one 
killed  ; and  he  can  then  slay  them  all  in  revenge  or  retain  them 
as  his  own  slaves,  just  as  he  likes.  For  the  murder  of  a free 
man  the  blood  of  a free  man,  or  men,  has  to  be  shed.  There  is 
no  distinction  between  premeditated  and  accidental  homicide. 
Life  has  been  taken,  and  it  is  regarded  and  dealt  with  as  murder. 
Drunkenness  and  madness  are  no  excuse  for  committing 
crimes. 

Adultery  is  a personal  injury,  for  the  offender  has  used 
something  that  does  not  belong  to  him  without  the  consent  of 
the  owner.  The  fine  for  adultery  is  from  100  to  300  brass  rods 
— from  three  to  nine  months’  ordinary  wages — according  to  the 
position  of  the  husband  and  the  offending  party.  I have 
never  heard  of  mutilation  as  a punishment  for  adultery  among 
the  Boloki.  I have  seen  it  stated  that  an  ear  is  cut  off  as  a 
punishment  for  this  offence.  I travelled  constantly  among 
them  for  fifteen  years,  and  only  occasionally  saw  either  a 
part  or  the  whole  of  an  ear  cut  off,  but  I was  always  told  on 
inquiry  that  that  was  a punishment  for  repeated  thefts,  and 
those  thus  mutilated  were  slaves.  Free  men  were  fined  for 
thefts  and  adultery,  not  mutilated.  I have  known  men  to  be 
financially  ruined  through  having  to  pay  fines  for  repeated 

181 


ADULTERY 


acts  of  adultery  ; but  if  the  ear-cutting  were  the  punishment 
Uiere  would  not  be  a single  man  with  both  ears,  for  there  is 
not  a morally  pure  one  among  them. 

The  family  avenges  all  cases  of  assault  on  any  of  its  members, 
no  matter  whether  it  is  physieal  violence,  abduction,  rape, 
adultery,  theft,  or  anything  else  ; and  no  one  has  a right  to 
pardon  the  offender  except  the  injured  person  or  family. 
Retaliation  in  kind,  when  possible,  is  the  essence  of  justiee 
among  the  natives — an  eye  for  an  eye,  a eut  for  a cut,  a bump 
for  a bump,  and  a life  for  a life.  When  retaliation  is  impossible, 
compensation  by  fines  is  enforeed.  I have  seen  a lad  carefully 
measure  a cut  that  he  might  infliet  one  of  a like  size  on  his 
enemy. 

Guardians  can  use  the  women  left  to  their  wards  as  their  own 
wives,  and  may  trade  with  their  ward’s  goods  without  paying 
any  interest ; but  when  the  ward  reaches  his  majority  he  can 
demand  the  right  number  of  women  from  his  guardian,  and 
the  exact  amount  of  goods  left  in  his  charge.  If  the  guardian 
dies  in  the  meantime,  then  his  heir  will  take  the  privileges 
and  obligations  of  the  guardianship,  and  reserve  out  of  his 
inherited  estate  the  amount  due  to  the  ward.  Uncles  and  heads 
of  families  will  act  as  guardians  for  minors  left  with  property, 
and  they  will  have  to  render  a proper  account  of  the  amount 
received  when  the  minor  becomes  old  enough  to  look  after 
his  own  affairs.  If  a minor  inherits  a “ palaver  ” from  his 
father,  the  guardian  cannot  “ talk  ” it,  but  the  case  has  to 
wait  until  the  minor  is  old  enough  to  conduct  the  affair  himself. 
I have  known  cases  to  be  postponed  for  this  reason  for  fifteen 
and  twenty  years. 

Some  years  before  we  went  to  live  at  Monsembe,  a free  man 
and  head  of  his  family  was  accused  of  witchcraft.  He  agreed 
to  take  the  ordeal,  but  as  all  the  members  of  his  family  were 
absent  from  the  town,  he  wished  the  trial  to  be  postponed 
until  their  return.  This  the  accuser  would  not  sanction,  and 
pressed  and  taunted  him  so  that  at  last  he  took  the  ordeal  and 
died  from  its  effects.  The  deceased’s  family  returned,  and 

182 


THE  COURT 


were  astonished  to  learn  of  the  death  of  their  “ head.”  They 
threatened  to  kill  the  accuser,  as  they  contended  that  their 
“ father  ” had  not  had  a fair  trial,  and  that  he  had  a right  to 
demand  the  postponement  of  the  ordeal  until  their  return. 
It  resulted  in  a big  palaver  being  talked,  and  the  accuser  and 
his  family  were  compelled  to  promise  fifteen  slaves  to  the 
family  of  the  murdered  man  as  compensation.  The  last  of  the 
slaves  was  paid  some  eighteen  years  after  the  affair  occurred, 
and  I saw  him  taken  by  my  house  in  1904  to  be  handed  over 
in  completion  of  the  imposed  fine. 

The  court  is  generally  held  beneath  the  shade  of  a spreading 
wild  fig  tree.  The  head-men  who  act  as  jury  sit  at  the  top 
of  the  square  ; the  plaintiff,  his  witnesses  and  followers  sit  on 
one  side  ; the  defendant,  his  witnesses  and  followers  sit  on  the 
opposite  side  ; and  the  bottom  of  the  square  is  left  open  for 
neutrals,  onlookers,  and  for  those  coming  and  going. 

Before  the  proceedings  begin  the  plaintiff  and  defendant 
Avill  each  take  their  party  of  followers  on  one  side,  but  in 
different  parts  of  the  town,  and  state  tersely  their  case  to 
them,  and  then  distribute  from  200  to  600  brass  rods  among 
them  according  to  the  importance  of  the  case.  It  is  their 
duty  to  clap  their  hands  and  applaud  every  point  made  by  the 
one  who  hires  them,  and  to  laugh  ironically  at  the  arguments 
of  the  other  side.  These  follow'ers  will  be  gathered  from  any  of 
the  men  belonging  to  the  neighbouring  towns  who  happen  to 
be  drawn  together  to  hear  a “ big  palaver  ” and  pick  up  a few 
brass  rods.  They  are  in  honour  bound  to  applaud  their  own 
side,  and  to  remain  as  long  as  the  case  lasts  that  day.  If  the 
case  goes  into  the  second  and  third  days,  then  “ refreshers  ” 
have  to  be  given  to  the  crowd  of  followers  each  day.  Some 
who  have  urgent  business  cannot  attend  the  second  day,  but 
there  are  others  to  take  their  places  who  were  not  able  to  be 
present  on  the  first  day.  I have  seen  from  150  to  200  followers 
on  each  side,  most  of  whom  had  no  interest  in  the  case  beyond 
the  three  or  four  rods  they  received  for  shouting  on  one  side 
or  the  other.  There  was  a fiction  that  they  were  genuinely 

183 


NATIVE  ADVOCATES 


interested  supporters  of  the  side  they  took ; but  I have  often 
been  present  when  the  rods  were  divided  among  them,  and 
know  for  a fact  that  the  majority  did  not  care  which  side  won. 
They  always  made  sure  of  their  rods  before  they  shouted  and 
clapped. 

If  the  man  who  has  a case  is  not  a good  speaker  he  can  engage 
an  advocate  {ntendeko =go-hetwecn)  to  speak  on  his  behalf 
for  a fee  of  from  200  to  300  brass  rods  a day.  Such  men  are 
natural  orators,  and  it  is  a pleasure  to  hear  them  speak  and 
see  their  graceful  actions. 

When  all  is  ready  the  parties  take  up  their  positions  opposite 
each  other,  and  the  plaintiff  will  open  the  proceedings  by 
stating  his  case,  and  calling  on  witnesses,  if  he  has  any,  to 
confirm  his  statements.  The  speaker  holds  in  his  hand  a 
small  bunch  of  palm-frond  leaves,  and  as  each  point  is  rounded 
off  he  lays  a leaflet  on  the  ground  in  front  of  him.  When  he 
makes  a telling  point  against  his  opponent  his  followers  clap 
their  hands,  shout,  laugh,  and  snap  their  fingers  at  each  other, 
and  the  wits  of  the  party  hurl  quips,  jokes,  gibes,  and  proverbs 
at  the  opposite  side,  and  try  to  look  as  though  it  were  im- 
possible to  lose  such  a strong  case  so  lucidly  stated.  These 
breaks  give  the  speaker  a breathing  time  in  which  to  collect 
his  thoughts  and  gain  strength  for  the  next  point.  So  the 
speaker  will  go  on  stating  point  after  point  until  there  are 
twelve  or  fifteen  leaflets  on  the  ground,  all  lying  in  the  order 
of  his  arguments.  Before  sitting  down  he  will  briefly  state 
the  argument  that  each  leaflet  represents,  and  it  is  rarely  that 
he  makes  a mistake  in  the  order,  and  if  he  does  those  sitting 
close  by  will  instantly  correct  him. 

If  not  too  late  in  the  day  the  defendant  states  his  case, 
combating  his  opponent’s  arguments,  calls  his  witnesses, 
puts  down  his  leaflets  one  by  one,  and  rests  while  his  followers 
indulge  in  bantering  the  other  side.  Interruptions  are  fre- 
quent, noisy,  and  often  come  to  the  verge  of  violence.  At  a 
biting  sarcasm,  or  a bitter  retort,  spears  and  knives  will  shake 
(for  all  the  men  present  are  well  armed),  and  more  than  once 

184 


NO  OATHS  ADMINISTERED 


I have  been  sent  for  to  intervene  at  a critieal  moment  and  to 
stop  bloodshed  or  a general  melee.  Many  a time  has  an  old 
chief  come  to  my  door  and  said : “ White  man,  they  are  fight- 
ing ; come  and  stop  them.”  And  my  wife  has  often  thought 
I was  badly  wounded  in  the  scuffle,  for  in  pushing  my  way 
among  them  the  red  camwood  powder  would  be  transferred 
from  their  bodies  to  my  coat,  and  would  show  up  like  blood 
on  my  white  garment. 

The  jury  of  head-men,  after  the  defendant  has  finished, 
withdraw  to  go  over  the  evidence  pro  and  con,  and  to  con- 
sider their  verdict ; and  on  their  return  a couple  of  men  with 
fine  w'ood-ashes,  or  pow'dered  camwood  on  leaves,  take  up 
positions — one  near  the  plaintiff  and  the  other  near  the 
defendant.  The  appointed  chief  judge  wfill  sum  up  the  case 
and  give  the  verdict,  say,  in  favour  of  the  defendant,  and 
instantly  the  man  sitting  near  him  w'ill  rub,  w'ith  more  vigour 
than  gentleness,  the  wood-ashes  or  camwood  powder  over  the 
face  of  the  winner  as  a sign  to  all  that  he  is  acquitted  of  the 
charge  brought  against  him.  He  will  leave  the  mess  on  his 
face  for  days  as  a proof,  to  all  and  sundry,  of  his  acquittal. 
The  loser  of  the  case  refunds  the  winner  all  his  expenses,  pays 
the  judge  and  jury  of  chiefs,  and  is  a poorer  if  not  sadder  and 
wiser  man. 

There  appears  to  be  no  cross-examination  of  witnesses,  no 
guarantee  of  truthfulness,  and  no  punishment  for  perjury. 
Each  side  starts  away  in  the  far-distant  past,  and  drags  in  as 
much  irrelevant  matter  as  possible,  and  thus  fogs,  confuses  and 
entangles  the  case  to  the  best  of  his  abilities.  The  ordeal  is 
at  times  resorted  to  in  order  to  decide  involved  cases,  and  from 
the  results  of  the  ordeal  there  is  no  appeal.  Sometimes,  after 
one  or  two  days’  hearing,  the  jury  is  not  able  (or  is  afraid)  to 
decide  a case  satisfactorily  in  favour  of  either  side,  and  then  it 
is  dismissed — each  side  bearing  its  own  expenses. 

There  is  nothing  resembling  an  oath  administered  to  wit- 
nesses, and  there  are  no  modes  of  punishing  perjury,  hence 
witnesses  are  seldom  called  upon  to  give  evidence  in  a case, 

185 


VARIOUS  ORDEALS 

and  when  they  are  put  forward  no  one  on  the  opposite  side 
and  no  judge  accepts  their  statements  as  true.  In  ordinary 
cases  the  judge  and  jury  of  head-men  decide  the  case  on  their 
own  kirowledge  of  the  affair  (and  the  arguments  of  the  plain- 
tiffs and  defendants),  for  they  are  fully  in  touch  with  all  local 
matters,  and  only  local  cases  are  laid  before  them.  In  com- 
plicated palavers  they  resort  to  the  ordeals,  which  are  as 
follows  : (1)  Nka  (Lower  Congo  nkasa),  which  among  the 
Boloki  was  the  outer  reddish  skin  of  the  rootlet  of  a certain 
tree  carefully  scraped  off. 

A few  years  ago  I had  the  opportunity  of  witnessing  a 
rather  complicated  discussion  and  cross-accusation  settled, 
to  the  satisfaction  of  all  the  natives  present,  by  the  parties 
concerned  drinking,  or  rather  eating,  the  ordeal.  The  trial 
took  place  on  neutral  ground,  i.e.  in  a section  of  the  town 
midway  between  the  sections  in  which  lived  the  parties  who 
were  concerned.  The  court-house  was  a wide- spreading  wild 
fig  tree  that  threw  a shade  over  the  whole  of  the  gathered 
crowd,  which  formed  an  oblong  figure.  The  plaintiff  stood  at 
one  end  with  his  supporters,  the  defendant  at  the  other  with 
his,  and  the  two  sides  were  occupied  by  neutral  spectators  and 
sympathizers. 

The  case  was  as  follows  : The  plaintiff  had  two  slaves  run 
away,  and  after  some  days  he  heard  that  these  slaves  had 
escaped  in  a canoe  belonging  to  the  defendant,  so  he  accused 
the  latter  of  aiding  and  abetting  their  escape,  and  wanted  him 
to  pay  the  price  of  the  slaves.  The  defendant,  on  the  other 
hand,  desired  the  plaintiff  to  pay  him  back  a canoe,  or  the  price 
of  it,  as  he  said  it  had  been  stolen  by  the  plaintiff’s  slaves. 
For  three  hours  they  discussed  the  matter  and  tried  to  arrange 
an  amicable  compromise  ; this,  however,  Avas  impossible,  as 
each  Avished  to  get  the  best  of  the  bargain.  From  the  very 
nature  of  the  case  it  Avas  impossible  to  call  Avitnesses,  although 
many  persons  spoke  on  either  side.  At  last  it  was  decided 
that  the  parties  should  take  the  ordeal  {nka).  Each  was  so 
confident  of  the  righteousness  of  his  claims  that  he  Avas  Avilling 

186 


VARIOUS  ORDEALS 


and  eager  to  eat  his  portion  of  the  poisonous  drug  to  support 
them.  The  plaintiff  was  a short,  thick-set  young  man  troubled 
with  elephantiasis,  and  from  that  and  his  apparent  nervousness 
he  was  greatly  handicapped  in  the  trial.  The  defendant  was 
a tall,  thin,  wiry  man  about  fifty  years  of  age,  who  had,  I 
think,  often  taken  the  nka  before,  and  was  inured  to  it. 

The  ordeal  drug  used  was  the  outer  skin  of  the  rootlets  of  a 
tree  that  was  to  be  found  up  the  Lulanga  River — a tributary 
that  enters  the  Congo  River  on  the  south  some  forty  miles 
below  the  Monsembe  district.  When  scraped  off  the  rootlets 
it  is  very  fluffy  and  of  a deep  scarlet  colour.  Two  “ medicine 
men  ” prepared  equal  portions  of  the  nka.  There  was  about  a 
tablespoonful  in  each  portion.  The  accused  had  first  choice, 
after  which  each  “ medicine  man  ” with  a portion  of  the  nka 
in  the  palm  of  his  hand  took  up  his  position  by  the  side  of  his 
client,  and  at  a given  signal  the  portions  of  the  ordeal  were 
simultaneously  held  to  the  mouth  of  the  two  opponents,  and 
at  the  same  moment  they  began  to  chew  the  drug.  After 
chewing  for  a few  moments  each  washed  it  down  with  gulps 
of  sugar-cane  wine. 

After  taking  the  ordeal  the  men  were  not  allowed  to  sit 
down,  nor  to  lean  against  anything,  nor  even  to  touch  anything 
with  their  hands.  The  ordeal  given  in  the  above  quantity 
blurs  the  vision,  distorting  and  enlarging  all  objects,  makes  the 
legs  tremble,  the  head  giddy,  and  gives  a choking  sensation 
in  the  throat  and  chest.  In  fact,  it  gives  all  the  symptoms  of 
intoxication,  and  a few  more  besides.  The  one  who  first  becomes 
intoxicated  and  falls  down  loses  his  case,  and  the  one  who 
resists  the  effects  of  the  drug  and  controls  himself  the  longest 
wins. 

About  five  minutes  after  they  had  taken  the  ordeal  one  of 
the  “ medicine  men  ” stepped  into  the  centre  with  a plantain 
stalk  in  his  hand,  about  2 feet  6 inches  long  and  from  3 to  4 
inches  in  diameter.  He  flourished  the  stalk  about  a little  and 
then  placed  it  in  front  of  the  plaintiff  for  him  to  step  over. 
The  plaintiff  went  forward  boldly,  stepped  over  the  stalk,  and 

187 


VARIOUS  ORDEALS 


returned  to  his  place.  This  he  repeated  six  times  without 
his  feet  once  touching  the  stalk.  The  defendant  had  then 
to  go  through  the  same  test,  whieh  he  did  laughingly,  throwing 
his  legs  and  arms  about  in  all  directions.  This  was  done 
occasionally  for  the  next  thirty  minutes,  and  by  that  time  the 
plaintiff  began  to  show  signs  of  intoxication.  His  steps  faltered, 
his  eyes  brightened  and  glared,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  that 
he  raised  his  feet  over  the  stalk.  Then  the  “ medicine  man  ” 
began  to  moek  him  by  pretending  to  put  the  stalk  close  to 
his  feet  and  tantalizingly  drawing  it  baek.  Forty  minutes 
after  taking  the  nka  the  climax  came.  The  “ medicine  man  ” 
threw  the  stalk  to  the  defendant,  who  caught  it  in  his  hands  and 
carried  it  to  the  centre  of  the  crowd,  where,  firmly  fixing  his 
feet  on  the  ground,  he  carefully  stooped  forward  and  placed 
the  stalk  with  both  hands  in  a straight  line,  then  slowly  raising 
himself  he  returned  to  his  place.  The  plaintiff  then  went  to 
pick  up  the  stalk,  but  no  sooner  did  he  lean  forw'ard  than  a 
spasm  of  pain  seemed  to  seize  him,  and  he  w'ould  hav'e  fallen 
in  a heap  on  the  ground  had  not  a man  who  for  the  last  twenty 
minutes  had  followed  him  closely  caught  him  in  his  arms  and 
quickly  carried  him  to  his  house. 

No  sooner  did  the  crowd  of  neutrals  see  the  fall  of  one  of  the 
opponents  than  with  a bound  they  jumped  to  their  feet,  and 
with  spears  and  knives  raised  in  the  air  they  danced,  shouted, 
and  sang  around  the  wdnner.  Some  rubbed  dirt,  others  ashes, 
and  others  red  camwood  powder  on  the  fellow’s  face — a sign 
that  he  had  won  the  case.  They  hoisted  him  on  the  back  of  a 
friend  and  accompanied  him  to  his  hut,  and  there  he  distributed 
400  brass  rods  among  the  throng  of  his  admirers  who  sw'ore 
they  had  helped  him  to  w'in  his  cause.  He  sat  outside  his 
house  all  the  rest  of  the  day  with  his  face  smeared,  so  that  all 
could  see  that  he  had  won,  and  could  congratulate  him.  The 
plaintiff  had  to  pay  him  tw'o  slaves  and  a canoe  as  damages. 

The  next  day  both  the  2daintiff  and  the  defendant  were 
walking  about  the  town,  and  seemed  none  the  worse  for 
sw'allowing  so  powerful  and  dangerous  a drug.  They  ap- 

188 


VARIOUS  ORDEALS 


parently  had  no  enmity  towards  each  other,  but  chatted  freely 
and  laughingly  over  the  events  of  the  previous  day.i 

When  one  remembers  the  amount  of  corruption  and  bribery 
among  these  people — that  the  most  familiar  words  on  their 
lips  are  “ lie  ” and  “ liar,”  and  the  most  frequent  question  is, 
“ Is  it  true  ? ” and  the  answer,  “ It  is  true,  or  cut  my  throat  ” 
— the  wonder  is  that  they  can  settle  a palaver  in  any  way. 

To  drink  the  ordeal  and  be  either  right  or  wrong  according 
to  its  action  settles  the  affair  once  for  all,  ends  all  possible 
deadly  feuds  and  bloodshed,  and  saves  many  a man  from  what 
is  worse  than  death,  viz,  an  ever-present,  anxious  fear  of 
what  his  enemy  or  enemies  will  do  to  him.  If  a man  accuses 
another  of  giving  him  a disease,  or  of  causing  the  death  of  his 
wife  by  witchcraft,  how  can  the  accused  disprove  such  a charge  ? 
Not  by  talking,  no  matter  how  much  he  may  swear  that  he  is 
innocent.  If  he  calls  the  head-men  together,  he  knows  the 
verdict  will  be  given  in  favour  of  the  one  who  pays  the  most ; 
if  he  runs  away  he  will  soon  be  captured  by  some  other  town 
and  probably  sold  to  furnish  a cannibal  feast ; if  he  runs  to  a 
friendly  town  he  will  lose  caste,  he  will  be  treated  with  con- 
tempt as  a coward,  and  his  life  rendered  miserable.  So  he 
boldly  steps  forth  and  takes  the  ordeal  and  the  affair  is  settled. 
Is  the  ordeal  in  his  favour  ? Then  he  claims  and  receives 
heavy  damages.  Does  the  ordeal  go  against  him  ? Then  he 
pays  the  damages,  if  wealthy  enough,  or,  if  poor,  he  sells 
himself,  or  if  he  is  already  a slave  then  his  master  pays  for  him  ; 
but  whatever  be  the  result,  that  palaver  is  decided  once  for 
all.  No  stigma  attaches  to  the  man  who  is  proved  guilty  by 
the  ordeal,  for  “ one  can  have  witchcraft  without  knowing  it.” 
Moreover,  no  one  lightly  brings  a charge  of  witchcraft  against 
another,  for,  if  the  ordeal  test  goes  against  the  accuser,  the 
damages  for  compensation  are  so  very  heavy  as  to  deter 
frivolous  accusations. 

* On  the  Lower  Congo  the  ordeal  is  given  only  to  the  accused,  and  if  he 
does  not  vomit  it,  then  it  is  fatal,  and  the  man  falling  is  beaten  and  stabbed 
to  death  as  guilty  of  witchcraft. 


189 


VARIOUS  ORDEALS 


The  administration  of  the  nka  is  reserved  for  very  compli- 
cated civil  cases  and  for  serious  charges  of  witchcraft ; but 
there  are  other  ordeals  used  for  minor  charges  of  witchcraft 
and  for  various  other  offences.  They  are  as  follows  : 

Epomi  and  mokungu  are  both  trees.  The  juice  from  the  bark 
of  these  trees  is  pressed  out  and  dropped  into  the  eye  of  the 
accused,  and  if  the  sight  is  destroyed  the  accused  is  guilty. 
The  epomi  juice  is  more  powerful  than  the  mokungu.  The 
nka  and  epomi  are  for  witchcraft  and  serious  charges  of  theft 
and  adultery,  but  the  mokungu  is  used  only  in  the  more  trivial 
charges.  In  each  case  the  accused  can  refuse  to  submit  to  the 
ordeal  unless  the  accuser  takes  it  with  him,  hence  the  juices 
of  these  trees  are  rarely  employed.  When  a “ medicine  man  ” 
charges  a person  with  being  a witch,  the  accused  cannot 
demand  that  the  “medicine  man”  shall  take  the  ordeal  with  him. 

Another  test  is  as  follows  : Three  boys  are  accused  of 
thieving,  which  charge  they  indignantly  repudiate  ; three  young 
plantains  are  then  cut — one  to  represent  each  boy — and  the 
juice  of  the  'mokungu  bark  is  pressed  into  the  centre  of  each 
plantain  stump  left  in  the  ground.  Now  it  is  usual  that  when 
a plantain  is  cut  it  will,  in  a few  hours,  send  up  from  its  centre 
the  beginnings  of  a fresh  growth  ; but  if  one  of  the  three 
plantain  stumps  does  not  begin  to  sprout  afresh  by  the  next 
morning,  the  lad  represented  by  that  plantain  is  the  guilty 
one ; if  two  do  not  sprout,  then  there  are  two  thieves,  and  if 
none  sprout,  then  all  the  three  lads  are  regarded  as  guilty. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  all  three  sprout  as  usual,  then  the  lads 
are  proved  to  be  innocent  of  the  accusation.  The  mokungu 
juice  destroys  the  eye,  so  in  mercy  the  “ eyes  ” of  the  plantain 
are  used  as  substitutes  for  the  eyes  of  the  lads,  and  it  is  probable 
that  the  juice  when  well  pressed  in  retards  for  a short  time 
the  sprouting  of  the  plantain. 

Lingola  is  a word  denoting  the  giving  of  the  ordeal  to  a 
medium  (moyengwa),  and  after  a certain  time,  when  the  ordeal 
begins  to  work,  the  name  of  a man  who  is  supposed  to  be  the 
witch  is  called  out,  and  if  the  medium  stumbles  over  the  plantain 

190 


Photo  by\ 


White  Ants’  Nest 


C.  y.  Codds 


White  ants  are  a constant  menace  to  the  woodwork  in  houses,  to  stores,  and  to  books. 
At  one  of  our  stations  sufficient  clay  was  procured  from  a white  ants'  nest  to  make  250,000 
Ibricks.  It  is  splendid  material  for  that  purpose. 


AN  IMPARTIAL  JUDGE  NEEDED 


stalk  put  in  his  path  while  this  name  is  “ on  the  card  ” the  owner 
of  the  name  is  regarded  as  guilty  ; but  if  the  medium  does  not 
stumble  the  man  is  innocent,  and  another  name  is  called,  and 
the  process  is  repeated  until  the  witch  is  found  or  the  effects 
of  the  drug  have  passed  away  from  the  medium. 

Mai  ma  mungunga  = water  of  the  bell.  This  is  used  by  the 
“ medicine  man  of  the  bell.”  A person  is  very  ill  and  charges 
some  members  of  his  family  with  bewitching  him.  They  deny 
the  accusation,  and  he  thereupon  challenges  them  to  drink 
water  that  has  been  dipped  up  in  the  “ medicine  man’s  ” bell, 
which  will  not  hurt  them  if  they  are  innocent,  but  will  kill 
them  if  they  are  guilty  of  the  charge.  Anyone  who  refuses  to 
drink  from  the  bell  is  regarded  as  guilty.  What  constitutes 
guilt  in  such  cases  ? Simply  a strong  desire  that  a person 
might  die  ; and  how  often  in  their  uncontrollable  anger  have 
they  wished  for  one  another’s  death  ; hence  occasionally  an 
over-sensitive  person  will  refuse  to  drink  out  of  the  bell  for 
fear  of  the  consequences. 

By  frequently  drinking  the  ordeal  drug  one  becomes  immune 
from  its  effects,  and  I have  noticed  that  old  people  who  have 
taken  it  many  times  never  feel  intoxicated  by  it ; but  young 
people,  who  were  not  used  to  it,  fell  quickly  from  its  narcotic 
effects  on  their  system.  I have  no  doubt  that  the  administrators 
of  the  various  ordeals  were  open  to  bribery  and  other  influences, 
and  could,  and  would,  dilute  the  ordeal  for  one  in  whom  they 
were  interested. 

The  natives  were  dissatisfied  with  the  way  their  “ palavers  ” 
were  settled.  Their  cost,  the  long  time  it  took  to  talk  them,  and 
the  unfair  favouritism  of  the  head-men  made  them  wish  for 
some  better  mode  of  dealing  with  their  affairs.  About  1897 
and  1898  they  frequently  asked  me  to  act  as  judge,  as  they  felt 
that  I should  be  absolutely  impartial  in  my  verdicts,  but  I 
objected  to  do  so,  because  I had  no  power  to  compel  a man  to 
appear  before  me  ; and,  again,  I had  no  soldiers  to  enforce 
any  verdict  I might  give,  and  thus  I should  waste  my  time 
in  listening  and  trying  to  settle  their  palavers. 

191 


WHITE  MAN  AS  JUDGE 


After  some  time  it  was  arranged  that  the  two  persons 
wishing  me  to  arbitrate  on  their  case  should  each  bring  me  a 
fowl  as  a token  that  they  desired  me  to  settle  their  dispute, 
and  were  willing  to  abide  by  my  decision.  This  giving  of  a 
fowl  weeded  out  the  trivial  cases  that  would  have  wasted  my 
time,  and  yet  was  not  prohibitive,  for  whereas  a fowl  cost 
only  from  10  to  20  brass  rods  each,  the  payments  under  the 
old  method  ran  into  500  rods  or  more.  Moreover,  I gave  them 
to  understand  that  directly  I heard  that  a verdict  had  been 
defied,  not  another  case  would  I judge  until  the  said  verdict 
had  been  honoured.  I must  in  all  fairness  say  that  although  I 
judged  many  scores  of  cases  not  a single  verdict  was  disregarded. 

The  court-house  was  the  verandah  of  my  house,  about  8 
feet  wide  and  50  feet  long.  Neither  knives  nor  spears  were 
allowed  on  it  or  near  it.  I generally  sat  on  a chair  in  the  middle 
of  the  verandah — on  either  side  were  the  opposing  factions, 
and  many  onlookers  were  on  the  ground  below.  There  was 
generally  sitting  near  by  a man  with  some  wood-ashes  or  red 
camwood  powder  in  a leaf,  ready  to  rub  it  on  the  face  of  the 
winner. 

Only  one  was  allowed  to  speak  at  a time,  and  the  talking 
was  confined  to  the  points  at  issue.  A few  questions  well  put 
would  often  throw  such  a light  on  the  matter  under  considera- 
tion that  the  plaintiff  himself  would  feel  that  his  claim  was 
preposterous.  As  a result  of  this  plan  very  few  cases  took  more 
than  half  an  hour.  When  cases  were  talked  in  the  town 
everybody  was  permitted  to  speak,  and  often  they  spoke  all 
together.  A thousand  extraneous  things  were  dragged  in  to 
the  hiding  and  confusing  of  the  real  point,  and  sometimes  they 
would  be  all  day  over  a very  small  matter,  and  then  not  settle 
it.  I have  known  them  to  fight  over  the  irritating  gibes  they 
threw  at  each  other,  and  I often  had  to  separate  the  combatants 
— a little  stern  authority  and  a few  jokes  have  quieted  them 
down  ; but  it  was  much  easier  and  better  to  act  as  arbitrator 
and  settle  the  palaver  than  to  have  frequent  quarrels  and 
rows. 


192 


A SELECTION  OF  CASES 


I kept  a record  of  many  cases,  and  I herewith  transcribe  a 
few  for  the  benefit  of  my  readers,  as  they  throw  considerable 
light  on  the  native  life  and  mode  of  thought. 

Case  I.  The  plaintiff  said  that  many  years  ago  his  brother 
was  very  ill,  and  went  to  the  defendant’s  father’s  town  for 
medicine.  When  he  was  dying  the  sick  man  took  a long  flat  pod 
and  struck  his  friend,  the  “ medicine  man,”  across  the  ankle. 
For  this  the  “ doctor  ” demanded  from  the  family  of  his  deceased 
patient  a slave,  three  pots  of  sugar-cane  wine,  two  spears, 
and  some  brass  rods.  The  plaintiff  paid  the  goods  at  the  time, 
but  now  he  wished  to  have  them  returned  on  the  ground  that : 
(1)  No  medicine  swa  made  and  given  to  his  brother,  i.e.  the 
patient  died  before  he  could  be  treated  ; and  (2)  That  since 
white  people  had  come  he  could  see  that  it  was  stupid  to  follow 
such  customs. 

The  defendant  acknowledged  the  debt  on  behalf  of  his 
father  (the  “doctor”),  who  was  dead.  He  admitted  that  the 
above  statement  was  correct,  and  that  the  custom  was  quite 
general  in  this  part  of  Congo,  and  was  recognized  by  all. 
It  seemed  to  be  one  way  of  making  a codicil  to  a will,  or  a mode 
of  leaving  property  to  an  outsider  who  legally  did  not  inherit 
anything,  but  who,  on  account  of  his  technical  assault,  had  a 
legal  claim  for  compensation  to  be  paid  out  of  the  deceased’s 
estate. 

I told  them  that  I could  not  interfere  with  palavers  that 
had  happened  so  long  ago  ; but  in  future  when  a man  was 
dying  and  wanted  to  leave  an  outsider  any  of  his  property,  he 
was  to  call  some  of  his  family  and  direct  them  to  give  So-and-so 
certain  goods  after  his  death.  Only  such  a bequest  would  be 
recognized.  Their  own  custom  was  a good  one,  viz.  : A token 
was  given  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  and  the  article  or  articles 
named.  The  eldest  son  was  then  informed  of  the  token,  the 
person  to  whom  it  was  given,  and  the  nature  of  the  goods 
bequeathed.  After  the  testator’s  death  the  token  Avas  taken 
to  the  eldest  son,  and  the  property  handed  over  in  the  presence 
of  witnesses. 


N 


193 


A SELECTION  OF  CASES 


Case  II.  A man  of  about  45  years  of  age  eomplained  that 
a young  fellow,  then  present,  had  a woman  belonging  to  him 
and  would  not  give  her  up.  By  a series  of  questions  the  follow- 
ing faets  were  elicited  : The  plaintiff’s  mother  was  living  in  a 
bush  town ; goods  were  being  continually  stolen  from  her 
house,  until  at  last  she  went  and  consulted  a “ witch-doctor  ” 
who  resided  in  a river-side  town.  She  desired  to  take  the 
ordeal  {nka)  to  discover  whether  she  had  unwittingly  stolen  and 
hidden  her  own  property,  or  someone  else  had  been  the  thief. 

When  the  “ witch-doctor  ” was  about  to  administer  the 
nlca  the  woman  was  dissuaded  by  her  friends  from  taking  it. 
The  “ witch-doctor  ” thereupon  went  to  the  woman’s  husband 
and  demanded  a slave  on  the  ground  that  he  had  prepared  the 
ordeal  which  the  wife  had  not  taken,  and  by  her  refusal  to 
take  it  she  was  bringing  contempt  on  his  fetish.  The  husband 
acknowledged  the  justice  of  the  claim  and  paid  a female  slave 
as  compensation.  The  plaintiff  now  wanted  that  slave  or 
another  returned. 

The  defendant  admitted  the  facts  as  stated,  but  said  it  all 
happened  long  before  he  was  born.  The  plaintiff  said  it  took 
place  before  they  had  ever  heard  of  white  people,  and  when  he 
was  a little  boy  (or  about  1868).  I dismissed  the  case  with 
costs — one  fowl  from  each  party. 

Case  III.  Lokangi  was  a lad  of  about  14  years.  He  went  one 
day  in  a canoe  with  some  young  men  to  take  the  monthly  tax 
to  Diboko  (Nouvclles  Anvers).  While  on  the  way  a crocodile 
attacked  the  canoe,  which  was  upset,  and  the  whole  party  of 
six  ]3addlcrs  was  thrown  into  the  river.  The  crocodile  caught 
Lokangi,  and  he  was  seen  no  more. 

Lokangi’s  family,  the  plaintiffs  in  this  case,  accused  the 
leader  of  the  canoe  party  of  bewitching  the  crocodile  to  take 
Lokangi  and  leave  all  the  others  ; they  argued  that  he  must 
have  bewitched  the  crocodile  to  do  so,  for  why  were  none  of 
tlie  others  seized  ? The  defendant  admitted  that  Lokangi  had 
been  killed  in  the  manner  stated,  but  strenuously  denied  having 
bewitched  the  beast  to  take  the  lad. 


194 


A SELECTION  OF  CASES 


I went  carefully  and  patiently  into  the  whole  palaver  of 
sueh  superstitions,  and  at  the  close  gave  the  verdiet  in  favour 
of  the  defendant. 

Case  IV.  Plaintiff  said  the  defendant  owed  him  one  woman, 
some  spears,  and  3000  brass  rods.  The  defendant  denied  the 
debt.  On  examination  it  was  proved  that  the  defendant’s 
father  owed  the  above-stated  amount  to  the  plaintiff,  but  the 
father  was  dead,  and  the  defendant  (an  only  son)  had  inherited 
his  father’s  goods. 

I laid  it  down  as  a principle  that  the  inheritor  should  pay 
the  debts  owing  by  the  person  whose  estate  he  inherited,  and 
if  the  amount  of  the  debts  exceeded  the  sum  inherited  he  should 
not  be  responsible  for  the  whole  of  the  debts,  but  should  divide 
the  property  reeeived  among  the  creditors  ; but  if  the  property 
exceeded  the  debts,  he  should  pay  the  debts  and  keep  the 
surplus  for  himself.  The  case  was  thus  settled,  in  favour  of 
the  plaintiff,  to  everybody’s  satisfaetion. 

Case  V.  Plaintiff  said  he  owed  the  defendant  1000  brass 
rods,  but  as  he  did  not  pay  up  quiekly  the  defendant  lay  in 
wait  and  caught  his  two  wives  who  had  gone  together  to  fish 
among  the  islands  ; that  by  right  of  custom  he  should  have 
taken  only  one  and  let  the  other  go. 

Defendant  admitted  the  statement  made  as  correet,  but 
said  that  he  had  gone  so  often  to  the  plaintiff’s  town  to  colleet 
his  debt,  and  had  been  put  off  with  sueh  unreasonable  exeuses, 
that  he  was  angry  and  took  the  two  women  instead  of  one. 

I pointed  out : (1)  That  the  priee  of  a woman  was  2500 
rods,  but  the  debt  was  only  1000,  and  the  expenses  (fees  to 
the  men  who  helped  him)  only  500,  making  in  all  1500,  and  the 
value  of  one  woman  more  than  covered  this  amount.  (2)  In 
tying  up  two  women  he  had  greatly  exceeded  the  debt,  and 
had  thus  put  himself  in  the  wrong. 

Verdict  for  the  plaintiff.  One  woman  to  be  returned  at  once, 
and  the  other  to  be  delivered  up  on  payment  by  the  plaintiff 
of  1300  rods ; the  defendant  to  lose  thus  200  rods  for  tying 
up  two  women  when  one  well  covered  the  debt  and  expenses. 

195 


A SELECTION  OF  CASES 


Case  VI.  Motuli,  the  plaintiff,  said  he  owed  the  defendant 
a woman,  and  in  payment  of  the  debt  he  handed  over  a woman 
large  with  child,  of  which  he,  Motuli,  was  the  father.  The  child 
was  now  two  years  old,  and  he  wanted  the  ehild  to  be  handed 
over  to  him. 

The  defendant  allowed  that  all  the  above  was  true,  but  said 
that  as  the  child  was  born  after  the  woman  came  into  his 
possession,  the  child  was  his. 

I pointed  out  to  Motuli : (1)  That  he  was  wrong  to  give  his 
wife,  by  whom  he  was  expecting  a child,  in  payment  of  a debt. 
(2)  He  should  have  made  an  agreement  at  the  time  with 
his  creditor  respecting  the  ownership  of  the  child.  (3)  That 
if  the  woman  had  died  in  child-birth  he  would  have  refused  to 
pay  another  in  her  place,  so  as  the  creditor  took  her  and  the 
risks  with  her  the  child  should  remain  with  its  mother.  Motuli 
thus  lost  the  case  and  was  very  angry. 

Case  VII.  Bodia,  the  plaintiff,  said  he  bought  a wife  of  the 
defendant  and  had  one  child  by  her,  which  was  now  three  years 
old  ; that  when  his  wife  had  a second  child  she  died  in  delivery, 
and  now  the  mother  and  second  child  were  dead.  He  wanted 
cither  the  money  returned,  or  that  the  defendant  should  pay 
him  another  woman. 

Defendant  admitted  that  all  the  statements  were  true,  but 
said  that  Bodia  had  had  the  woman  a long  time  and  he  could 
not  see  that  he  was  responsible  for  her  death. 

I explained  to  Bodia  : (1)  That  every  woman  who  had  a 
child  had  it  at  some  risk  to  her  life.  (2)  That  he  had  owned 
the  woman  for  four  years,  and  she  had  farmed,  cooked,  and  borne 
him  one  child  ; and  as  he  had  brought  her  into  the  position 
that  caused  her  death,  he  himself  must  accept  the  loss.  (3) 
His  first  child  was  properly  born  and  grown  up  healthy,  so 
there  was  no  malformation  of  the  womb.  Verdict  for  the 
defendant. 


196 


CHAPTER  XIV 


MYTHOLOGY  AND  FOLK  LORE 


Ideas  concerning  rebirth— Ideas  concerning  white  men — A hippopotamus 
spirit — A prediction — Reticence  of  natives — Recited  round  the  fire — 
The  origin  of  man — The  sun — A deluge — The  destruction  of  the  world — 
Fifteen  folk-lore  stories. 


HERE  were  misty  ideas,  but  no  definite  belief,  con- 


cerning the  rebirth  of  their  deceased  ancestors.  A 


few  years  before  Stanley  descended  the  Congo  there 
was  a gen»ral  belief  extant  among  the  Boloki  that  many  of 
their  ancestors  would  appear  in  another  form,  and  yet  would 
be  recognizable  by  similarity  of  features  to  those  whose  appear- 
ances the  spirits  took.  When  the  white  men  arrived  this  belief 
seemed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  natives  often 
thought  they  saw  a likeness  in  the  features,  walk,  or  gestures 
of  some  of  the  white  men  to  dead  men  whom  they  knew.  I 
myself  have  often  been  surprised  and  amused  when  a motion, 
a glance,  or  some  little  peculiarity  among  these  folk  has  called 
vividly  to  mind  some  person  I knew  at  home.  There  was  one 
man  I never  met  without  having  a certain  uncle  of  mine  re- 
called to  mind,  and  another  person— a girl — always  by  an 
indescribable  something  reminded  me  of  a girl  I knew  in 
England. 

When  we  came  here  in  1890  my  colleague  was  thought  to 
resemble  a chief  who  had  died  some  time  before,  and  I was 
thought  to  be  like  another  deceased  chief  belonging  to  a family 
that  had  a hippopotamus  for  its  omen  (not  totem,  that  is 
another  word) ; and  this  view  was  confirmed  by  my  firing  on 


197 


A PREDICTION 


two  successive  nights  at  a hippopotamus  that  came  prowling 
about  our  beach,  for  the  animal  sent  me  a message.  i 

We  found  a prediction  extant  that  white  men  would  come, 
and  some  of  them  would  be  like  chiefs  who  had  died  ; but 
this  slight  suspieion  of  a belief  in  reincarnation  may,  I think, 
be  accounted  for  by  rumours  of  the  white  men  having  filtered 
through  from  the  coasts.  The  Boloki  thirty-five  years  ago 
were  a strong,  war-loving  people  who  travelled  far  and  wide 
on  the  river ; and  slaves  were  bought  and  exchanged  from 
widely  different  parts,  and,  of  course,  carried  with  them  the 
news  and  rumours,  true  and  false,  of  their  last  residences. 
This  factor  in  the  disseminating  of  religious  belief,  and  the 
interweaving  of  those  beliefs  into  what  is  often  a patchwork 
system  of  belief,  has  not  always  been  properly  allowed  for 
in  dealing  with  the  superstitions  of  African  races. 

Soon  after  we  opened  our  station  in  August,  1890,  I tried 
to  procure  some  native  stories  from  the  boys,  but  failed  in 
every  attempt.  I felt  sure,  however,  that  they  had  folk  tales, 
and  therefore  persevered,  though  nearly  two  years  passed 
before  I was  successful.  One  evening,  in  the  early  months  of 
1892,  some  boys  sat  on  the  floor  of  my  house  talking  while  I 
was  busy  writing.  After  a time  I noticed  that  one  was  talking 
and  the  others  listening  intently.  I made  a mental  note  of 
the  circumstance,  and  the  next  day  I asked  the  lad  to  write 
out  on  a slate  (for  in  the  meantime  we  had  taught  them  to  read 
and  write)  the  palaver  he  had  told  the  boys  on  the  previous 
evening.  He  did  so,  and  I found  it  was  a native  story,  I gave 
him  a few  brass  rods,  asked  him  to  write  some  more,  which  he 
did  ; and  in  a short  time  I had  four  or  five  boys  writing  stories 
on  my  verandah,  and  very  often  one  boy  who  knew  a story, 
but  could  not  write,  sat  and  told  it  to  one  who  could,  and  then 
shared  the  spoil.  We  have  between  sixty  and  seventy  native 
stories,  and  most  of  them  were  handed  down  by  one  chief  who, 
although  he  died  long  before  we  came  here,  was  spoken  of  to 
us  with  respect  on  account  of  his  wide  knowledge  of  the  ancient 
* See  Chapter  XIX,  p.  266,  for  full  details. 

198 


RECITED  ROUND  THE  EIRE 

myths  I and  customs.  Most  of  the  stories  we  printed  in  a book 
and  used  it  as  a reading-book  in  the  classes.  There  were  many 
stories  about  men,  women,  and  animals,  and  to  each  story  a 
moral  was  attached. 

The  stories  were  told  on  moonless  nights  around  the  village 
fires  when  it  was  too  dark  to  danee  and  play,  or  around  the 
camp  fires  when  travelling  and  fishing.  The  stories  relate 
the  cunning  way  in  which  some  animals  outwit  others — 
generally  the  smaller  ones  outwitting  the  larger  and  more 
cumbersome  ; that  the  biter  is  himself  bit,  and  the  bully  over- 
whelmed with  ridicule.  Many  of  the  stories  try  to  account 
for  the  peculiarities  observed  in  nature,  as  why  birds  build 
nests  in  certain  ways,  or  have  no  nests  at  all ; the  enmity 
among  the  various  animals  ; the  presence  of  dogs  and  fowls 
in  the  towns  ; the  cause  of  death  and  the  origin  of  fire.  Some 
stories  would  well  illustrate  the  text : “ Be  sure  your  sin  will 
find  you  out  ” ; while  others  are  absurdly  comic,  and  many 
of  them  dirty. 

A line  from  some  of  the  stories  was  often  used  as  a proverb, 
or  to  call  up  the  situation  described  in  the  story  as  a warning 
to  a person  not  to  overreach  another,  or  he  himself  may  fall. 
No  European  elements  were  to  be  found  in  them,  as  they  were 
procured  before  we  could  talk  freely  with  the  natives,  and 
certainly  before  our  teaehing  had  in  any  way  influenced  their 
thoughts  and  modes  of  expression. 

Many  of  the  stories  were  reeited  for  amusement,  but  most 
of  them  were  told  as  true,  even  the  amusing  ones ; and  they 
undoubtedly  embody  the  wit,  wisdom,  and  philosophy  of  life. 
Some  are  only  remarkable  for  the  way  in  whieh  they  account 
for  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  the  physical  and  moral  worlds  ; 
others  give  a clear  insight  into  the  mind  of  the  native,  and  his 
view  of  the  spirit-world  ; and  these  stories  were  at  times 

’ In  the  chapter  on  Religious  Beliefs  will  be  found  some  information  on 
their  ideas  of  a Supreme  Being  ; and  in  Chapter  XIX,  on  spirits  and  mythi- 
cal monsters  that  inhabit  the  islands  and  forests. 


199 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 

narrated  in  their  “ palavers  ” to  enforce  a point  and  drive 
home  a moral. 

I did  not  meet,  among  the  Boloki,  with  any  stories  or  legends 
regarding  the  origin  of  man,  of  the  sun,  of  a deluge,  or  of  the 
destruction  of  the  world.  There  were  stories  of  folk  with  tails, 
but  not  of  animal  ancestors  ; of  dwarfs  and  frightful  monstrosi- 
ties— all  heads  and  no  body — but  not  of  giants.  When  the 
end  of  a rainbow  touches  a town  a death  is  sure  to  occur  there, 
and  the  bright  red  after-glow  occasionally  seen  at  sunset 
indicates  the  death  of  a chief.  I have  already  given  the  legend 
about  the  moon  having  once  been  a python. 

The  following  are  a few  typical  stories,^  and  in  translating 
them  I have  kept  as  near  the  original  as  possible.  No  ideas 
have  been  added,  and  no  plot  has  been  altered,  but  the  trans- 
lator has  tried  to  give  in  easy  English  a true  representation 
of  the  stories. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  morals  appended  to  the 
stories  were  put  there  by  the  natives  when  they  wrote  them 
down  for  me  ; and  when  I was  sitting  with  them  around  their 
fires  and  hearing  them  relate  the  stories  I noticed  that  the 
moral  was  always  given,  and  frequently  formed  the  subject 
of  comment,  and  of  angry  curses  being  called  down  on  the  one 
who  was  credited  with  starting  such  bad  customs. 

Story  I 

The  Adventures  of  Libanza  ; or,  a Boloki  version  of 
J ack  and  the  Beanstalk 

Libanza  and  his  sister,  Nsongo,  started  on  their  travels  in 
the  long  ago,  and  as  they  journeyed  Libanza  changed  himself 
into  a boy  covered  with  yaws.  A man  out  hunting  turned 
aside  from  his  party  of  hunters,  and  meeting  Libanza  and  his 
sister,  he  exclaimed ; “I  have  found  some  slaves  ! ” He 

* The  stories  given  are  of  course  Boloki  stories  ; but  the  writer  has  pub- 
lished some  forty  Lower  Congo  stories  in  Congo  Life  and  Folk  Lore,  R.T.S. 
5s.  net. 


200 


I 


I 


Photo  t>y]  ^ y 

Boloki  Boys  with  Wine  Jar 

This  well  illustrates  the  methods  of  wearing  a cloth  by  the  male  folk.  Either  a string  is  tied  round  the  wa'st  and  ihe  cloth  hung— back  and 
front— oyer  it,  or  the  corners  are  tied  at  the  side.  The  wine  jar  has  a capacity  of  several  gallons.  There  are  not  more  than  two  or  three  in  a 
large  village  ; but  they  are  freely  lent. 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 

thereupon  took  possession  of  them  and  led  them  to  the  hunting 
camp. 

Their  new  master  and  the  other  hunters  were  there  for  the 
purpose  of  snaring  monkeys,  and  although  their  master  caught 
some,  yet  he  was  not  very  successful.  So  one  day  Libanza 
said  to  him : “ Give  me  the  snares,  and  let  me  try  to  catch 
some  monkeys.” 

But  as  he  appeared  to  be  such  a poor,  weak  boy  covered 
with  yaws,  the  master  laughed  at  him,  and  twitted  him  with 
his  smallness.  However,  on  being  repeatedly  asked,  the  master 
gave  the  boy  the  snares,  and  he  caught  thirty  monkeys  in  a 
very  little  time,  and  brought  them  back  to  the  camp  to  be 
divided  among  the  hunters. 

While  the  hunters  were  busy  dividing  the  monkeys,  Libanza 
and  his  sister  took  some  meat  and  ran  away.  After  journeying 
for  a long  distance  they  came  near  to  a large  town,  and  again 
Libanza  turned  himself  into  a boy  covered  with  yaws. 

The  people  of  the  town  Avere  pounding  sugar-canes  for 
making  sugar-cane  wine  ; but  a man  seeing  them  claimed 
them  as  his  slaves,  and  brought  them  and  sat  them  on  the  end 
of  the  large  wooden  mortar  in  which  the  other  men  were 
pounding  up  the  canes. 

After  a time  Libanza  said:  “ Give  me  a pestle,^  so  that  I 
may  crush  the  canes.”  But  the  people  laughed  that  so  small 
a lad  should  make  sueh  a request. 

However,  after  he  had  repeatedly  asked,  they  gave  him  a 
pestle,  and  Libanza  used  it  with  such  vigour  that  it  snapped 
in  two.  They  brought  him  two  others,  and  taking  one  in  each 
hand  he  pounded  so  strongly  that  they  also  broke  ; and  thus 
he  broke  all  they  had  in  the  town  except  the  last  one,  and  with 
that  he  ran  away,  and  the  people  feared  to  follow  him. 

As  they  travelled,  Nsongo  caught  sight  of  a person  in  the 
distance  and  wanted  to  marry  him ; but  on  being  called  the 
person  would  not  come  to  her.  So  Libanza  changed  himself, 

* The  pestles  for  crushing  sugar-canes  are  like  heavy  clubs,  made  of  hard 
wood,  and  weigh  from  20  lbs.  to  30  lbs.  e^ch. 

201  ' 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


first  into  a shell  and  then  into  a saucepan,  and  followed  the 
man  ; but  in  these  disguises  Libanza  was  not  able  to  catch 
the  man  for  his  sister  because  he  ran  away  filled  with  fear. 

Libanza  then  turned  himself  into  the  handle  of  an  axe,  and 
when  the  man  came  to  pick  up  the  handle,  Libanza  caught 
him  and  led  him  to  his  sister.  Now  this  person  had  only  one 
leg  and  simple  stumps  for  fingers  ; and  Nsongo,  on  a closer 
view  observing  these  deformities,  refused  to  have  him  for  a 
husband. 

Libanza  and  his  sister,  Nsongo,  resumed  their  wanderings, 
and  on  passing  a palm  tree  Nsongo  saw  a bunch  of  ripe  palm 
nuts,  and  she  implored  her  brother  to  ascend  the  tree  and  cut 
down  the  nuts.  Libanza  climbed  the  palm  tree,  and  as  he 
ascended  it  the  palm  tree  grew  higher  and  higher  and  higher, 
until  the  top  was  hid  in  the  heavens,  ^ and  there  Libanza 
alighted,  leaving  his  sister  down  below  on  the  earth. 

When  Nsongo  was  left  on  the  earth  she  heard  a rumbling 
noise,  which  she  thought  was  her  brother,  Libanza,  scolding 
up  above.  She  called  a “ wizard,”  and  asked  him  how  she 
could  rejoin  her  brother. 

The  “ wizard  ” said : “ You  must  call  a Hawk,  and  tell  him 
you  want  to  send  a packet  to  your  brother,  Libanza  ; and  then 
tie  yourself  up  into  a packet  and  put  yourself  on  the  roof  of  a 
house,  and  when  the  Hawk  sees  it  he  will  say,  ‘ That  is  surely 
the  parcel  I am  to  take,’  and  the  Hawk  will  carry  you  up 
above.” 

Nsongo  did  as  she  was  told  by  the  “ wizard,”  and  the  Hawk 
saw  the  bundle  and  picked  it  up  ; but  twice  on  the  way  the 
Hawk  rested  and  tried  to  open  the  parcel,  and  would  have 
done  so,  but  at  each  attempt  he  heard  a deep  sigh  proceed 
from  the  interior  of  the  bundle,  and  desisted. 

At  last  the  Hawk  reached  the  place  where  Libanza  was,  and 
said  to  him,  “ Here  is  a packet  which  your  sister  has  sent  to 

1 The  word  used  here  is  6oZo6o  = the  upper  regions,  of  which  place  they 
had  very  hazy  ideas.  About  the  lower  regions — longa — they  always  spoke 
more  definitely,  and  would  describe  what  took  place  there. 

202 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 

you.”  Now  when  Libanza  essayed  to  undo  the  parcel,  out  came 
his  sister. 

Libanza  became  a blacksmith,  and  there  was  in  that  country 
a person  whose  name  was  Ngombe,  and  because  he  swallowed 
people  every  day  he  was  also  called  Emele  Ngombe  (Ngombe 
the  Swallower). 

When  Libanza  heard  about  this  Swallower  of  people,  he 
called  his  bellows  blower,  Nkumba  (Tortoise),  and  they  heated 
an  ingot  of  iron.  Now  as  the  Swallower  was  passing  the 
smithy  he  made  the  sound  “ Kililili,”  and  Libanza  mocked 
him  by  saying,  “ Alalalala.”  Ngombe  the  Swallower  then 
asked : “ Who  dares  to  ridicule  me  ? ” And  again  he  mur- 
mured, “ Kililili.”  And  Libanza  answered  him  by  saying : 
“ Ngalalala,^  I am  anjaka-njaka  lokwala  la  lotungi,  Libanza, 
the  brother  of  Nsongo.” 

The  Swallower  went  at  Libanza  with  his  mouth  wide- 
stretched  to  gulp  him  down,  and  as  he  went  his  lower  jaw 
dragged  along  the  ground.  Libanza  stirred  the  molten  metal, 
the  Tortoise  blew  the  bellows,  and  as  the  Swallower  rushed 
forward  with  his  mouth  wide  open  Libanza  threw  the  liquid 
metal  right  into  the  gaping  jaws,  and  the  Swallower  of  people 
fell  dead. 

There  are  several  folk-lore  stories  that  have  crystallized 
for  us  their  ideas  concerning  Libanza,  and  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  such  stories  are  called  Mabanza  (plural  form  of 
Libanza),  and  these  contain  a statement  of  some  of  the  doings 
of  Libanza,  whereas  their  word  for  fable,  parable,  story  is 
mokulu.  The  common  opinion  was  that  Libanza  lived  on  the 
earth,  and  was  the  first  to  go  into  heaven.  His  origin,  life, 
and  adventures  as  told  in  their  folk  stories  are  briefly  as 
follows  : 

Libanza’s  mother  (names  of  father  and  mother  were  never 
given)  gave  birth  first  to  elephants,  the  various  kinds  of  bush 

* This  is  the  full  name  of  Libanza.  It  means  : The  one  who  makes  things 
with  force  and  noise  and  runs  off  with  them,  whose  scraped  finger-nails  are 
tied  with  cane,  he  who  is  Libanza  the  brother  of  Nsongo. 

203 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


animals,  the  different  varieties  of  flies  and  insects,  and  to  the 
amphibia ; then  his  mother  told  him  to  come  out,  but  before 
Libanza  would  do  so  he  ordered  his  mother  to  scrape  her 
finger-nails  ; when  she  had  done  this  he  threw  out  spears, 
shield,  a chair  covered  with  brass  nails,  and  finally  came  out 
himself. 

Libanza’s  father,  according  to  another  folk  story,  was  trapped 
and  killed  while  stealing  some  nsafu  fruit  for  his  wife.  And 
he  acquainted  his  wife  of  his  death  by  causing  a fetish  horn 
he  had  left  with  her  to  overflow  with  blood.  As  soon  as  Libanza 
was  born  he  inquired  about  his  father  and  the  manner  of  his 
death,  and  set  himself  to  punish  the  one  who  had  killed  him, 
which  after  a series  of  futile  attempts  he  finally  accomplished 
by  slaying  the  murderer  of  his  father.  Then  comes  the  story 
of  his  own  adventures,  which  reach  their  climax  in  the  de- 
struction of  the  Swallower  of  people. 

It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  Libanza  is  the  name  of  some 
great  chief  who  by  his  resource  and  courage  delivered  the 
people  from  great  peril  and  oppression,  and  around  whose 
name  have  gathered  many  myths,  and  to  him  is  ascribed 
great  magical  power.  In  the  original  story  much  magic  is 
performed  to  meet  the  various  difficulties  that  arise,  as  changing 
himself  into  different  shapes,  making  horns  and  saucepans 
move  and  speak,  and  resurrecting  broken  and  dead  animals. 
No  moral  qualities  were  ascribed  to  Libanza,  but  he  was 
regarded  as  being  very  strong,  and  rich.  When  our  steamer, 
the  Peace,  made  her  first  journey  up-river,  the  Boloki  of 
Monsembe  told  me  that  they  thought  it  was  “ Libanza  going 
to  Singitingi  (Stanley  Falls)  to  visit  his  sister  Nsongo.”  They 
could  hear  the  noise  of  the  engines,  but  as  they  could  see  no 
paddles  they  thought  that  “ the  river  mingoli  (water-spirits) 
were  pushing  the  steamer  along.” 


204 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


Story  II 

The  Fowl  and  the  Hippopotamus ; or,  the  Cause  of 
the  Enmity  among  Birds  and  Animals. 

A Fowl,  on  returning  from  a trading  journey,  hid  one  of 
his  legs  under  his  wing  and  said : “I  sold  my  leg  for  two 
thousand  brass  rods  in  the  towns  I have  been  visiting.” 

A greedy  hippopotamus,  hearing  this,  said : “ If  the  Fowl 
could  reeeive  two  thousand  brass  rods  for  his  small  leg,  how 
much  shall  I receive  for  mine  ? ” So  calling  some  of  his  friends 
they  entered  a canoe  and  paddled  down-river  to  the  towns. 
On  arriving,  the  leg  of  the  Hippopotamus  was  cut  off,  carried 
ashore,  and  sold  for  a large  number  of  brass  rods. 

When  the  Hippopotami  returned  to  the  canoe,  after  selling 
the  leg,  they  diseovered  that  their  friend  had  bled  to  death, 
so  they  pieked  up  their  paddles  in  great  anger  and  returned 
to  their  town. 

On  arriving  at  their  town  they  sought  out  the  Fowl  and 
charged  him  with  the  death  of  their  friend,  for  they  said, 
“ Because  of  your  lying  deception  he  went  and  sold  his  leg.” 

In  their  anger  they  called  on  the  Hawks  and  Kites  to  swoop 
down  and  carry  off  the  chickens  belonging  to  the  Fowls  ; and 
they  told  the  wild  bush-cat  that  whenever  he  found  the  door 
of  the  Fowl-house  open  he  was  to  creep  in  and  kill  the  Fowls. 

In  this  way  so  many  Fowls  were  killed,  that  in  defence  the 
Fowls  called  on  the  Crocodiles  to  bite  the  Hippopotami  and 
wound  them  to  death  ; and  they  asked  Man  whenever  he  saw 
a Hippopotamus  to  hurl  his  spear  at  it  and  kill  it.  Thus, 
through  the  Fowl’s  one  deception,  enmity,  quarrels,  and  death 
were  first  introduced  among  the  birds  and  animals. 

Story  HI 

The  Punishment  of  the  Inquisitive  Man 

Motu  made  a large  garden,  and  planted  it  with  many  bananas 
and  plantain.  The  garden  was  in  a good  position,  so  the  fruit 

205 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


ripened  quickly  and  well.  Arriving  one  day  at  his  garden  he 
found  the  ripe  bunches  of  bananas  and  plantain  had  been 
cut  off  and  carried  away. 

After  that  he  did  not  go  once  to  his  garden  without  finding 
that  some  of  the  fruit  had  been  stolen,  so  at  last  he  made  up 
his  mind  to  watch  the  place  carefully,  and  hiding  himself  he 
lay  in  ambush  for  the  thief. 

Motu  had  not  been  in  hiding  very  long  before  he  saw  a 
number  of  Cloud-folk  descending,  who  cut  down  his  bananas, 
and  what  they  could  not  eat  they  tied  into  bundles  to  carry 
away.  Motu  rushed  out,  and,  chasing  them,  caught  one  woman 
whom  he  took  to  his  house,  and  after  a short  time  he  married 
her,  and  gave  her  a name  which  meant  Favourite. 

Although  Favourite  had  come  from  the  Cloud-land  she 
was  very  intelligent,  and  went  about  her  housework  and 
farming  just  like  an  ordinary  woman  of  the  earth.  Up  to  that 
time  neither  Motu  nor  the  people  of  his  village  had  ever  seen 
a fire.  They  had  always  eaten  their  food  raw,  and  on  cold, 
windy,  rainy  days  had  sat  shivering  in  their  houses  because 
they  did  not  know  anything  about  fire  and  warmth. 

Favourite,  however,  told  some  of  the  Cloud-folk  to  bring 
some  fire  with  them  next  time  they  came  to  visit  her,  which 
they  did.  And  then  she  taught  the  people  how  to  cook  food, 
and  how  to  sit  round  a fire  on  cold  days. 

Motu  was  very  happy  with  his  wife,  and  the  villagers  were 
very  glad  to  have  her  among  them,  and,  moreover.  Favourite 
persuaded  many  of  the  Cloud-folk  to  settle  in  her  husband’s 
village. 

One  day  Favourite  received  a covered  basket,  and  putting 
it  on  a shelf  in  the  house  she  said  to  her  husband,  “ We  are  now 
living  with  much  friendship  together ; but  while  I am  away 
at  the  farm  you  must  not  open  that  basket,  if  you  do  we 
shall  all  leave  you.” 

“ All  right,”  replied  the  husband,  “ I will  never  undo  it.” 

Motu  was  now  very  glad  in  his  heart,  for  he  had  plenty  of 
people,  a clever  wife,  and  the  villagers  treated  him  as  a great 

206 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


man.  But  he  had  one  trouble  : Why  did  his  wife  warn  him 
every  day  not  to  open  the  basket  ? What  was  in  that  basket  ? 
What  was  she  hiding  from  him  ? And  foolish-like  he  decided 
to  open  it.  Waiting  therefore  until  his  wife  had  gone  as  usual 
to  the  farm  he  opened  the  basket,  and — there  was  nothing  in 
it,  so  laughingly  he  shut  it  up  and  put  it  in  its  place. 

By  and  by  Favourite  returned,  and,  looking  at  her  husband, 
she  asked  him : “ Why  did  you  open  that  basket  ? ” And  he 
was  speechless  at  her  question. 

On  the  first  opportunity,  while  Motu  was  away  hunting. 
Favourite  gathered  her  people,  and  ascended  with  them  to 
Cloud-land,  and  never  again  returned  to  the  earth. 

That  is  how  the  earth-folk  received  their  fire  and  a know- 
ledge of  cooking  ; and  that  is  also  how  Motu  through  being  too 
inquisitive  lost  his  wife,  his  people,  and  his  importance  as  a 
big  man  in  the  village. 


Story  IV 

Mhungi  and  his  Punishment 

Mbungi  one  day  said  to  his  \vife : “ Dig  up  some  cassava, 
prepare  it,  and  cut  down  some  plantain,  for  we  will  go  hunting 
and  fishing.” 

The  wife  did  as  she  was  told,  and  in  a short  time  everything 
was  ready  for  the  journey.  They  put  their  goods  into  a canoe 
and  paddled  away  to  their  hunting  and  fishing  camp. 

After  resting,  the  man  went  and  dug  a hole  and  set  his 
traps ; and  the  next  morning  he  found  an  antelope  and  a 
bush-pig  in  the  hole.  These  he  took  to  the  camp,  cut  up,  and 
gave  to  his  wife  to  cook.  By  and  by  when  all  was  cooked  she 
brought  the  meat  to  her  husband,  and  as  she  was  taking  her 
portion  he  said : “ Wait,  I will  ask  the  forest-folk  (or  spirits) 
if  you  may  eat  it.” 

He  went  and  pretended  to  ask  the  forest-folk,  and  brought 
back  a message  that  if  she  ate  the  meat  the  traps  would  lose 
their  luck  and  catch  no  more  animals.  In  this  way  the  selfish 

207 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


husband  had  all  the  meat  for  himself  and  his  wife  went  hungry.  * 
Mbungi  found  many  animals  in  his  traps,  and  the  woman, 
because  of  the  prohibition,  did  not  have  her  share  of  them. 

One  day  the  woman  made  some  fish-traps  and  set  them,  and 
on  her  return  to  the  camp  the  husband  wanted  to  know  where 
she  had  been,  but  she  refused  to  tell  him.  Next  day  she  went 
to  look  at  her  traps  and  found  many  fish  in  them,  which  she 
brought  to  the  camp  and  cooked.  Mbungi,  however,  returned 
unsuccessful  from  his  traps  ; but  when  he  saw  his  wife’s  fish 
he  laughed  and  said  : “ Bring  the  fish  here  for  me  to  eat.” 

“ Wait,”  answered  the  woman,  “ I will  ask  the  forest-folk 
if  you  may  eat  the  fish.”  And  she  brought  back  a reply  that 
he  was  not  to  eat  the  fish,  for  if  he  did  so  the  fish-traps  would 
lose  their  luck. 

It  was  now  Mbungi’s  turn  to  be  hungry.  Days  and  da)'^s 
passed  and  he  caught  no  more  animals  ; but  his  mfe  always 
had  plenty  of  fish.  He  became  very  thin  and  angry.  One 
day  he  drew  his  large  knife,  and  cutting  off  the  head  of  his 
wife  he  buried  the  head  and  the  trunk  together  in  the  ground, 
and  departed  for  his  town. 

Mbungi  had  not  gone  very  far  on  his  way  when  he  heard  a 
voice  shouting : “ Mbungi,  wait  for  me,  we  will  go  together  ! ” 
He  wondered  who  was  calling  him,  so  he  hid  himself,  and  in  a 
little  time  he  saw  the  head  of  his  wife  coming  along  the  road 
calling  after  him. 

He  went,  and  catehing  the  head  he  cut  it  into  small  pieces 
and  buried  it  again ; but  before  he  had  gone  far  he  heard  it 
shouting : “ Mbungi,  wait  for  me,  we  will  go  together  ! ” He 
cut  and  buried  it  again  and  again,  but  it  was  no  use,  it  con- 
tinued to  follow  and  call  after  him. 

Mbungi  reaehed  his  town,  and  his  wife’s  family  asked  him : 
“ Where  is  your  wife  ? ” “ Oh,  she  is  coming  on  behind,”  he 

replied.  They  accused  him  of  killing  her,  but  this  he  strongly 
denied.  While  he  was  denying  the  charge  of  murder  the  head 

' A person  considered  he  had  not  made  a meal  if  he  had  no  meat  or  fish 
to  eat  with  his  cassava. 


208 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


came  right  into  the  town ; and  when  the  family  saw  it  they 
immediately  tied  up  Mbungi  and  killed  him. 

This  was  how  murder  was  first  introduced  into  the  world. 

Story  V 

Why  the  Fowl  and  Dog  are  abused  by  the  Birds 

There  was  a time  when  all  the  birds  and  animals  lived  in  the 
sky.  One  day  it  was  very  rainy  and  cold — so  cold  that  they 
were  all  shivering.  The  birds  said  to  the  Dog : “ Go  down  and 
fetch  us  some  fire  to  warm  ourselves.” 

The  Dog  descended,  but  seeing  plenty  of  bones  and  pieces 
of  fish  lying  about  on  the  ground  he  forgot  to  take  the  fire  to 
the  shivering  birds. 

The  birds  and  animals  waited,  and  the  Dog  not  returning 
they  sent  the  Fowl  to  hasten  him  with  the  fire. 

The  Fowl,  however,  on  arriving  below,  beheld  plenty  of 
palm  nuts,  pea  nuts,  maize,  and  other  good  things,  so  he  did 
not  tell  the  Dog  to  take  up  the  fire,  and  did  not  take  any  himself. 

This  is  the  reason  why  you  can  hear  of  an  evening  a bird 
that  sings  with  notes  like  this,  “ Nsusu  akende  bombo  ! nsusu 
akende  bombo  ! ” which  means.  The  Fowl  has  become  a slave  ! 
the  Fowl  has  become  a slave  ! 

And  the  Heron  sometimes  sits  on  a tree  near  a village  and 
cries,  “ Mbwa  owa  ! mbwa  owa  ! ”=Dog,  you  die ! dog,  you  die  ! i 

This  is  why  you  hear  these  birds  jeer  at  and  abuse  the 
Fowl  and  Dog,  because  they  left  their  friends  to  shiver  in  the 
cold  while  they  enjoyed  themselves  in  warmth  and  plenty. 

Story  VI 

The  Eagle  leaves  the  Tortoise  in  the  lurch 

A Leopard  had  three  young  children,  and  she  asked  the 
Tortoise  to  take  care  of  them  while  she  was  away  hunting. 

^ I have  often  heard  these  birds,  and  their  notes  quickly  suggested  the 
phrases  quoted  above,  and  undoubtedly  gave  rise  to  the  story. 

0 209 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


“ Very  well,”  said  the  Tortoise,  “ I will  nurse  them  for  you.” 

So  the  Leopard  went  hunting,  and  after  a time  she  returned 
with  some  meat  which  she  wished  to  give  to  her  children. 

“No,  no,  do  not  open  the  door,”  whispered  the  Tortoise, 
“ your  children  are  asleep.  Throw  the  meat  in  at  the  window.” 
The  meat  was  passed  through  the  window,  and  the  Leopard 
went  off  hunting  again. 

While  the  Leopard  was  gone  the  second  time,  an  Eagle  came 
to  the  Tortoise  and  said : “Friend  Tortoise,  let  us  make  blood- 
brotherhood.” 

The  Tortoise  agreed,  and  the  friendship  was  properly  made. 
After  a short  time  the  Eagle  asked  the  Tortoise  for  one  of  the 
children  to  eat,  and  one  was  taken,  and  they  ate  it  between 
them. 

By  and  by  the  Leopard  returned  again  from  the  hunt  with 
some  more  meat ; but  the  Tortoise  pretended  that  the  children 
were  asleep  ; so  the  meat  was  again  put  through  the  wndow, 
and  off  went  the  Leopard  to  hunt  in  the  forest. 

The  Eagle  then  came  and  begged  for  another  child,  and 
receiving  it  he  went  and  ate  it  on  a high  tree. 

When  the  Leopard  returned  next  time,  she  insisted  on 
seeing  the  children,  but  the  Tortoise  said : “ You  stop  there 
and  I will  show  them  to  you  at  the  window.” 

The  Tortoise  then  took  up  the  only  child  left,  and  holding 
it  at  the  window  he  said,  “ That  is  one.”  He  put  it  down  and 
held  it  up  again,  and  said,  “ That  is  two.”  Then  he  showed  it 
again  at  the  window  for  the  third  time,  and  said,  “ That  is 
three.”  The  Leopard,  thereupon,  went  away  satisfied. 

The  Eagle  came  again  and  asked  for  the  “ other  child  to 
eat.” 

“ What  shall  I do,”  asked  the  Tortoise,  “ when  the  Leopard 
returns  and  finds  all  her  children  are  gone  ? ” 

“ Oh,  I will  take  care  of  you,”  said  the  Eagle  reassuringly ; 
“ I will  fly  with  you  to  a high  tree.”  The  last  child  was  given 
and  eaten,  and  then  the  Eagle  took  the  Tortoise  to  the  branch 
of  a very  high  tree. 


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FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


Shortly  after  the  Eagle  had  carried  off  the  Tortoise  the 
Leopard  returned,  and  finding  all  her  children  gone  she  wept 
very  loudly  for  some  time ; then  looking  about  her  she  saw 
the  Tortoise  on  the  top  of  a tree. 

The  Leopard  gnawed  at  the  tree,  and  just  as  it  was  going  to 
fall  the  Tortoise  called  out  to  his  friend,  the  Eagle,  to  help  him. 
The  Eagle  carried  him  to  another  tree.  The  Leopard  gnawed 
that  one  ; so  the  Eagle  removed  the  Tortoise  to  another  high 
tree  ; but  the  Leopard  gnawed  that  also. 

The  Tortoise  called  for  his  friend,  the  Eagle  ; but  the  Eagle 
replied : “ I am  tired  of  helping  you,  take  care  of  yourself,” 
and  off  he  flew,  leaving  his  friend  in  the  lurch,  and  never 
returned  again.  The  tree  fell,  and  the  Leopard  killed  the 
Tortoise.  That  is  why  the  bush  animals  are  afraid  to  hurt  the 
Leopard’s  children. 


Story  VII 

The  Kite  breaks  his  promise  to  the  Tortoise 

When  the  Tortoise  and  the  Kite  made  blood-brotherhood 
the  Kite  said : “ Friend  Tortoise,  now  that  we  have  become 
brothers,  catch  an  electric  fish  for  me.” 

“ Friend  Kite,”  replied  the  Tortoise,  “ when  you  see  a skin 
floating  on  the  river  you  will  know  that  I have  caught  the 
fish  you  desire.  Swoop  down  and  take  it ; and,  friend  Kite, 
thou  art  one  who  lives  in  the  air,  tie  up  the  wind  and  bring  it 
to  me.” 

By  and  by  the  Tortoise  killed  an  electric  fish  (nina),  and  set 
it  floating  on  the  river.  When  the  Kite  saw  it  he  said  : “ Ah, 
there  is  the  fish  my  friend  Tortoise  has  sent  me.”  He  thereupon 
dropped  to  the  river,  picked  up  the  fish,  and  carried  it  away 
to  a high  tree,  where  he  ate  it. 

The  Tortoise  waited  a long  time,  but  the  Kite  never  brought 
him  the  wind  ; so  seeing  the  Eagle  one  day  fishing  by  the  river 
bank  he  said  to  him,  “ Come  here,  friend  Eagle,”  and  when  the 
Eagle  had  ahghted  on  a branch  near  by,  the  Tortoise  continued  : 

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FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


“ Well,  my  friend  the  Kite  and  I made  blood-brotherhood, 
and  he  asked  me  to  send  him  an  electric  fish,  and  I asked  him 
to  bring  me  the  wind,  and  he  agreed  to  this  bargain.  I have 
sent  him  his  fish,  but  he  has  not  brought  me  the  wind.  When 
you  see  the  Kite  remind  him  of  his  promise.” 

The  Eagle  met  the  Kite  next  day  on  the  top  of  a tree  and  said 
to  him : “ When  you  make  blood-brotherhood  with  a person 
you  should  keep  your  promise  to  him.  Why  don’t  you  take 
the  wind  to  the  Tortoise  ? ” 

“ I have  not  yet  tied  it  up,”  said  the  Kite  as  he  flew  off. 

The  Tortoise  waited,  but  the  Kite  not  coming  he  went  ashore, 
climbed  to  the  roof  of  a house,  and  tied  himself  into  a bundle 
like  a parcel  of  fish. 

The  Kite,  seeing  the  bundle  and  thinking  it  was  some  fish, 
he  swooped  down  on  it  and  carried  it  away  to  a tree,  and  while 
he  was  undoing  the  bundle  the  Tortoise  said : “ Friend  Kite, 
you  have  deceived  me,  and  you  have  broken  your  promise. 
Where  is  the  wind  you  agreed  to  bring  to  me  ? ” 

The  Kite  was  so  alarmed  that  he  dropped  the  Tortoise  and 
flew  away.  And  because  of  his  broken  promise  to  his  friend 
he  has  lost  the  power  to  sail  on  the  wind  like  the  Eagle ; but 
has  to  constantly  flutter  and  flap  his  wings.  ^ 


Story  VIII 

Whtj  the  Plantain-eater  did  not  build  a Nest 

The  Plantain-eater  is  a gaudy-plumaged  bird,  not  quite 
so  large  as  a Cockatoo.  It  is  called  by  the  natives  Lukulu- 
Icoko.  Its  notes  are,  Kulu ! kulu ! kulukoko ! hence  the 
natives  say,  “It  is  always  talking  about  itself.” 

All  the  birds  built  nests  so  that  when  it  rained  they  could 
enter  them  and  remain  dry.  The  Plantain-eater,  however, 
never  troubled  to  build  a nest,  but  when  the  rain  fell  in  torrents 

* To  break  a promise  made  at  the  time  of  making  blood-brotherhood  is 
considered  very  bad,  and  is  regarded  as  certain  to  bring  punishment. 

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FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


he  went  to  a neighbour  and  said : “ Let  me  come  into  your 
nest  out  of  the  rain.” 

But  his  neighbour  answered  him : “ No,  go  and  cut  some 
palm  fronds  and  build  your  own  nest.” 

The  Plantain-eater,  at  this  reply,  went  off  crying : “ Kulu  ! 
kulu  ! kulukoko  ! Wait  until  the  rain  stops,  and  then  I will 
fetch  fronds  to  build  my  nest.” 

By  and  by  the  rain  ceased  and  the  neighbours  called  out : 
“ Plantain-eater,  the  rain  is  finished,  now  get  your  fronds 
for  nest  building.” 

But  the  Plantain-eater  said : “ I will  stop  where  I am, 
and  when  it  rains  I will  raise  my  shoulders  and  put  my  head 
under  my  feathers,  and  the  rain  will  not  hurt  me.” 

The  next  time  it  rained,  however,  he  found  it  was  very 
unpleasant  to  be  out  in  it ; and  again  he  asked  to  be  allowed 
to  enter  a neighbour’s  nest,  but  he  was  driven  off.  Thus  it 
always  happened  that  when  it  rained  he  intended  to  build  a 
house ; and  when  it  was  fine  he  said  he  did  not  need  a house, 
but  would  put  his  head  under  his  feathers. 

And  that  is  why  the  Plantain-eater  is  seen  jumping  from 
branch  to  branch  in  the  rain,  trying  to  enter  other  people’s 
nests,  making  all  kinds  of  promises  in  the  rain,  and  only  talking 
loudly  and  boasting  in  the  fine  weather  of  what  he  will  do. 


Story  IX 

Why  the  Water-snake  has  no  Poison 

When  the  Python  had  given  birth  to  all  the  snakes  she  said 
to  them : “You  have  no  poison  now,  but  another  day  I will 
call  you,  and  give  to  each  of  you  a proper  share  of  poison.” 
After  a time  the  day  arrived,  and  the  Python  called  all  her 
children  to  receive  the  promised  gift.  The  green  snake,  the 
viper,  the  whip-snake,  the  diamond-headed  snake  all  arrived, 
and  each  received  his  share  of  the  poison  so  as  to  defend  himself 
from  his  enemies.  Wherever  these  snakes  went  on  a journey 

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FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


everybody  jumped  out  of  their  way,  for  if  they  did  not  they 
were  bitten  and  suffered  much  pain. 

The  Water-snake,  however,  instead  of  obeying  his  mother’s 
call,  went  off  to  the  river  to  fish.  By  and  by  he  became  tired 
of  fishing,  and  thought  he  would  go  and  hear  what  his  mother 
the  Python  wanted. 

As  he  went  he  met  the  other  snakes  returning,  and  heard 
that  they  had  received  their  gifts  from  their  mother.  On  his 
arrival  he  asked  her  for  his  share  of  the  poison. 

But  the  Python  said : “No,  I called  you,  and  instead  of 
coming  you  went  fishing,  so  now  you  have  lost  your  share  of 
the  poison  through  disobedience.” 

That  is  why  the  Water-snake  is  only  laughed  at  when  he 
bites,  and  no  one  thinks  of  moving  out  of  his  way,  for  he  has 
no  poison  through  disregarding  his  mother’s  call. 

Story  X 

How  the  Squirrel  outivitted  the  Elephant 

The  Squirrel  and  the  Elephant  met  one  day  in  the  forest 
and  had  a big  discussion  about  forest  matters.  At  last  the 
Elephant  sneeringly  said:  “You  are  a Squirrel,  you  are  only  a 
little  bit  of  a thing.  Can  you  hold  either  my  foot  or  my  leg  ? 
No,  you  are  too  small  to  touch  even  one  of  my  legs  ! ” 

“You  may  be  a big  thing,”  retorted  the  Squirrel,  “ but 
can  you  keep  on  eating  palm  nuts  as  long  as  I can  ? ” 

After  much  talk  they  decided  to  collect  bunches  of  palm 
nuts,  and  when  all  was  ready  they  sat  down  to  the  eating 
contest.  Before  beginning,  however,  the  Squirrel  had  secreted 
a number  of  his  friends  in  the  forest  near  by. 

The  Elephant  began  the  contest  by  putting  a bunch  of 
palm  nuts  into  his  mouth ; but  the  Squirrel  took  the  nuts 
one  by  one  and  ate  them.  And  when  the  Squirrel  was  full  he 
made  some  excuse  and  slipped  away,  and  another  squirrel  took 
his  place.  In  this  way  Squirrel  after  Squirrel  exchanged 
places  with  each  other  unnoticed  by  the  Elephant,  who  con- 

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FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


tinued  to  eat  all  the  morning,  and  the  big  pile  of  palm  nuts  grew 
smaller  and  smaller. 

At  last  the  Elephant  asked : “ Are  you  full,  friend  Squirrel  ? ” 

“ No,”  answered  the  last  Squirrel,  “ I feel  as  though  I had 
only  just  begun.” 

” Is  that  so  ? ” grunted  the  Elephant.  “ Well,  you  are  a 
wonderful  little  thing.  Why,  I am  getting  fuller  and  fuller.” 

After  that  they  went  on  eating  again. 

In  the  afternoon  the  Elephant  asked  again : “ Friend  Squirrel, 
are  you  full  yet  ? ” 

“ No,”  replied  the  last  Squirrel,  “ I have  not  eaten  half 
enough  yet.”  And  he  took  up  some  more  nuts  to  eat. 

The  Elephant  had  not  room  for  more  than  a sigh  ; and 
towards  sunset  he  said  : “ I am  full,  and  cannot  eat  any  more 
palm  nuts.” 

Thus  the  Elephant  confessed  he  was  beaten,  and  ever  after 
that  he  refrained  from  annoying  and  ridiculing  his  friends 
and  neighbours  because  they  were  smaller  than  himself. 

The  natives  are  very  careful  not  to  taunt  slaves  about  their 
condition,  or  to  twit  a person  about  poverty  or  lowly  birth. 
It  is  considered  to  be  the  acme  of  rudeness  to  remind  another 
that  he  is  not  so  fine  a fellow  as  you  are,  or  as  he  thinks  he  is. 
Of  course,  folk  often  lost  their  temper  and  said  bitter  things 
to  each  other.  The  following  story  shows  the  punishment  that 
fell  to  a man  because  in  his  anger  he  was  rude  to  his  slave  wife. 

Story  XI 

Rudeness  and  its  Punishment 

There  was  a man  once  who  built  a house  on  an  island  and 
went  fishing  in  its  creeks  and  pools.  He  plaited  a large  number 
of  fish-traps,  and  set  them  in  good  places  for  catching  fish. 

One  morning  he  went  to  look  at  the  traps  and  found  one 
full  of  fish,  and  among  the  fish  was  a Lolembe.^  He  took 


' l^otopterus  afer. 
216 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


them  to  his  house,  and  then  went  to  another  part  of  the  island 
to  visit  some  other  traps ; but  on  his  return  he  found  some 
food  cooked  and  placed  in  a saucepan  by  the  fire.  In  his 
surprise  he  called  out,  “ Who  has  cooked  this  food  ? ” but  there 
was  no  answer.  All  night  he  pondered  this  wonder  in  his  heart, 
for  he  knew  he  was  alone  on  the  island. 

The  next  morning  he  pretended  to  go  to  his  traps,  but 
turning  back  quickly  he  hid  himself  behind  his  house  and 
watched  through  an  opening  in  the  wall.  By  and  by  he  was 
amazed  to  see  the  Lolembe  turn  into  a woman,  who  at  once 
began  to  cook  the  food,  whereupon  the  man  showed  himself  to 
her  and  said : “ Oh,  you  are  the  one  who  cooked  my  food 
yesterday  ! ” 

“ Yes,”  she  replied.  They  were  married,  and  in  due  time 
the  woman  gave  birth  to  two  boys  and  a girl ; and  they  lived 
with  mueh  contentment  on  the  island. 

One  day  the  man  said  to  one  of  his  sons : “You  come  and 
help  me  with  the  fish-traps,”  and  away  they  went  together  to 
look  at  the  various  traps. 

The  lad  was  a lazy,  disobedient  boy  who  would  not  listen 
properly  to  what  was  told  him,  so  when  the  father  wanted  to 
empty  the  water  out  of  the  canoe  and  told  him  to  go  to  the 
right  side,  the  boy  went  straight  to  the  left  side,  because  it 
was  nearer  to  him  than  the  other  side.  The  father  became 
very  vexed,  and  beating  him  in  his  anger,  he  said:  “ You  are 
too  lazy  and  too  proud  to  do  what  you  are  told.  Do  you  know 
that  your  mother  came  out  of  one  of  these  fish-traps,  for  she 
was  only  a Lolembe  ? ” 

The  boy  on  hearing  this  went  crying  to  his  mother,  and  told 
her  all  his  father  had  said.  The  mother  soothed  him,  but  in 
her  heart  she  said : “ My  husband  jeers  at  me  because  I am 
only  a Lolembe,  yet  I have  been  a good  wife  to  him  ; perhaps 
some  other  day  he  will  call  me  worse  names,  and  when  we 
return  to  the  town  everybody  will  know  that  I came  out  of 
one  of  his  fish-traps.  I will  return  to  my  own  place  in  the 
river.” 


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FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


She  thereupon  fell  into  the  river,  and  ehanging  into  a 
Lolembe  she  swam  away.  “ Therefore,”  says  the  native  story- 
teller, “ never  taunt  a person  with  being  a slave.” 

The  next  two  stories  are  illustrative  of  the  native  reason 
for  the  loss  of  eternal  life,  or  why  people  die,  instead  of  con- 
tinuing to  live  for  ever  on  the  earth. 

Story  XII 

Nkengo  fails  to  obtain  lasting  life 

Nkengo  was  the  son  of  Libuta,  and  he  noticed  that  the 
people  were  dying  daily  in  great  numbers.  So  one  day  he 
called  out  loudly : “You  Cloud-folk,  throw  me  down  a rope  ! ” 

The  Cloud-folk  heard  and  threw  him  a rope.  Nkengo  held 
on  to  it  and  was  pulled  up  to  the  Cloud-land. 

When  he  arrived  there  Nkengo  had  to  wait  one  day,  and 
in  the  morning  the  Cloud-folk  said  to  him:  “ You  have  come 
here  to  receive  lasting  life  (lobiku)  and  escape  from  death. 
You  cannot  make  your  request  for  seven  days,  and  in  the 
meantime  you  must  not  go  to  sleep.” 

Nkengo  was  able  to  keep  awake  for  six  days,  but  on  the 
seventh  day  he  nodded  and  went  to  sleep.  The  Cloud-folk 
woke  him  up,  saying:  “ You  came  here  to  receive  lasting  life 
and  escape  from  death.  You  were  able  to  keep  awake  six 
days.  Why  did  you  abandon  your  purpose  on  the  seventh 
day  ? ” They  were  so  angry  with  him  that  they  drove  him 
out  of  Cloud-land  and  lowered  him  to  the  earth. 

The  people  on  the  earth  asked  him  what  had  happened  up 
above,  and  Nkengo  replied : “ When  I reached  Cloud-land 
they  told  me  that  in  order  to  gain  lasting  life  I must  keep 
awake  for  seven  days.  I did  not  sleep  for  six  days  and  six 
nights  ; but  on  the  seventh  day  I nodded  in  sleep  ; whereupon 
they  drove  me  out,  saying : “ Get  away  with  your  dying ; 
you  shall  not  receive  lasting  life,  for  every  day  there  shall  be 
death  among  you  ! ” 


217 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


His  friends  laughed  at  him  beeause  he  went  to  receive 
lasting  life  and  lost  it  through  sleeping.  That  is  the  reason 
why  death  continues  in  the  world. 

The  following  story  also  gives  the  reason  for  the  continuance 
of  death  in  the  world.  It  was  told  me  by  a friend  who  lived 
for  many  years  among  the  Balolo  tribe  at  Bolengi  (Equator- 
ville  district),  about  fifty  or  sixty  miles  below  Monsembe. 


Story  XIII 
The  Two  Bundles 

AVhile  a man  was  working  one  day  in  the  forest  a little 
man  with  two  bundles — one  large  and  one  small — went  to 
him  and  asked  : “ Which  of  these  two  bundles  will  jmu  have  ? 
This  one  ” (taking  up  the  large  bundle)  “ contains  looking- 
glasses,  knives,  beads,  cloth,  etc.  ; and  this  one  ” (taking  up 
the  little  bundle)  “ contains  lasting  life.” 

“ I cannot  choose  by  myself,”  answered  the  man ; “ I must 
go  and  ask  the  other  people  in  the  town.” 

While  he  was  gone  to  ask  the  other  people  some  women 
arrived,  and  the  choice  was  put  to  them.  The  women  tried 
the  edges  of  the  knives,  bedecked  themselves  in  the  cloth, 
admired  themselves  in  the  looking-glasses,  and  without  more 
ado  they  selected  the  big  bundle  and  took  it  away.  The  little 
man,  picking  up  the  small  bundle,  vanished. 

On  the  return  of  the  man  from  the  town  both  the  little 
man  and  his  bundles  had  disappeared.  The  women  exhibited 
and  shared  the  things,  but  death  continued  on  the  earth. 
Hence  the  people  say : “ Oh,  if  those  women  had  only  chosen 
the  small  bundle,  we  folk  would  not  be  dying  like  this  ! ” 


218 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


Story  XIV 

The  Spider  regrets  her  Marriage 

There  was  a Spider  who  lived  with  her  parents  in  their 
town.  She  was  unmarried,  and  it  was  very  difficult  to  find  a 
husband  for  her  as  she  was  so  hard  to  please. 

One  young  man  asked  her  father  for  her  in  marriage,  but 
he  said:  “ You  must  ask  her  yourself.”  And  when  he  said  to 
her : “ I love  you.  Will  you  be  my  wife  ? ” she  replied, 
“ No,”  in  such  a way  that  he  went  back  to  his  house  very  angry. 

Another  young  man  came,  and  she  said : “ I refuse  all  hus- 
bands, for  I am  going  to  remain  as  I am.” 

After  a time  another  suitor  came,  and  when  the  Spider 
declined  him  he  said:  “ You  refuse  all  offers  of  marriage  from 
us  ; but  a person  wll  come  who  will  not  be  a proper  person  at 
all,  for  he  will  have  changed  himself  to  look  like  a nice  man. 
You  will  marry  him,  and  you  will  have  much  trouble  on  going 
with  him,  for  he  will  take  you  to  his  country,  which  will  be 
far  away,  and  you  will  regret  that  you  have  refused  all  of  us.” 
“ Be  quiet ! ” she  shouted  ; “ you  are  angry  because  I will 
not  marry  you,  and  that  is  why  you  threaten  me.” 

“ Very  well,”  said  he,  “ you  think  I am  telling  you  a lie,” 
and  away  he  went  to  his  town.  Now  this  was  the  Python  who 
spoke  to  the  girl. 

The  Python  waited  in  his  town  for  some  time,  and  then  he 
changed  himself  into  another  and  nicer  form  and  paid  a visit 
to  the  Spider,  and  said  to  her : “ Spider,  I have  come  to  marry 
you.” 

The  Spider  asked  him : “ Do  you  love  me  or  not  ? ” 

He  answered  her : “ I love  you,”  and  they  were  married. 
After  a time  he  said : “ Spider,  we  must  return  to  my  town.” 
And  he  deceitfully  told  her  that  he  lived  in  a fine  town,  and 
was  very  rich.  He  also  promised  his  father-in-law  that  he 
would  return  in  six  months — a promise  he  never  intended  to 
keep. 


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FOLK-LORE  STORIES 


The  Spider  and  her  husband  started  on  their  journey,  and 
went  on  and  on  and  on  for  two  months,  and  the  wife  became 
very  tired  with  the  long  walk. 

As  they  were  nearing  their  town  a person  said  to  her : “ The 
one  who  is  travelling  with  you  is  not  a real  person,  but  a snake 
that  has  changed  itself  to  look  like  a person.  Do  not  believe 
in  him,” 

They  reached  the  husband’s  town,  which  she  found  was 
simply  a tree  with  a large  hole  in  it.  The  husband  changed 
back  to  his  snake  form,  and  coiling  himself  up  in  the  hole  he 
left  his  wife  to  do  the  best  she  could  outside. 

The  Spider  was  very  angry,  and  repented  having  been  so 
stupid  as  to  refuse  all  the  nice  young  men  of  her  own  town  to 
be  deceived  by  this  snake  from  a distance.  The  poor  Spider 
became  very  thin  and  would  have  died,  only  someone  helped 
her  back  to  her  father. 

The  custom  of  making  blood-brotherhood  was  very  common 
on  the  Upper  Congo.  The  ceremony  has  already  been  de- 
scribed in  a previous  chapter,  and  therefore  it  is  not  necessary 
to  go  again  into  detail.  During  the  performance  of  the  rite 
the  contracting  parties  who  exhibited  any  doubt  of  each  other’s 
faithfulness  in  properly  observing  the  bond  would  put  one 
another  under  a prohibition  or  taboo,  and  so  long  as  they 
carefully  obeyed  the  prohibition  the  blood  bond  remained  in 
force. 

In  the  following  story  the  birds  enter  into  this  blood  bond, 
and  the  peculiarities  of  each  are  regarded  as  prohibitions 
placed  on  them  during  the  ceremony.  There  are  many  such 
stories  accounting  for  the  physical  idiosyncrasies  of  various 
birds  and  animals. 

Story  XV 

The  Heron  and  the  Parrot  are  unbelieving 

When  the  Heron  and  the  Parrot  entered  into  the  bonds  of 
blood-brotherhood  the  Heron  put  the  Parrot  under  a ban, 

220 


FOLK-LORE  STORIES 

saying:  “ Friend  Parrot,  you  must  always  remain  in  the  tree- 
tops,  and  never  alight  on  the  ground.  If  you  do  so  you  will 
not  be  able  to  fly  again,  for  you  will  be  caught,  killed,  and 
eaten ; and  even  if  you  are  not  killed  the  folk  who  cateh  you 
will  tame  you,  and  you  will  lose  your  power  to  fly  again  in 
the  air.” 

The  Parrot  said : “ Friend  Heron,  you  must  never  build  a 
house  to  sleep  in  it ; if  you  do  you  will  die.” 

After  some  time  the  Heron  began  to  doubt  the  words  of 
the  Parrot,  and  he  said  to  himself : “ Perhaps  my  friend  told 
me  a lie  about  sleeping  in  a house.  I will  test  his  words,  and 
if  I die  my  family  will  know  that  the  words  of  the  Parrot  are 
true,  and  they  will  never  sleep  in  a house.” 

That  evening  the  Heron  entered  a house  (nest),  and  next 
morning  his  family  found  him  lying  dead.  Ever  sinee  that 
time  the  Herons  have  always  slept  on  the  branches  of  the  trees. 

The  Parrot  also  doubted  the  power  of  the  Heron’s  pro- 
hibition, and  said  to  himself : “ I will  alight  on  the  ground,  and 
if  I am  unable  to  fly  again  my  family  will  know  the  Heron’s 
words  are  true  ones.” 

So  down  the  Parrot  flew,  and  alighting  on  the  ground  he 
found  there  plenty  to  eat,  but  when  he  tried  to  rise  again  he 
was  not  able  to  use  his  wings.  Some  people  caught  him  and 
tamed  him,  and  he  remained  a slave  in  their  town. 

That  is  the  reason  why  the  Parrots  always  fly  high  above 
the  tree-tops  and  never  alight  on  the  earth,  because  of  the  pro- 
hibition of  their  friend  the  Heron. 

The  writer  has  many  more  of  these  stories,  but  the  above 
are  fairly  typical  of  the  lines  upon  whieh  they  run,  although 
every  story  has  its  own  little  plot  and  exhibits  some  char- 
acteristic trait  of  native  mind  and  habit. 


221 


CHAPTER  XV 


WAR 


No  army — The  family  fight — The  town  fight — The  district  fight— Procuring 
volunteers — “ Medicine”  put  on  spears — Poison  used — No  night  attacks 
— Lips  of  the  slain  worn  by  the  slayer — Spirit  of  the  slain — Mode  of 
attack — Prisoners — Women  a cause  of  quarrels — War  omens — War  dance 
—Spears  and  flint-lock  guns. 


NE  can  hardly  dignify  the  quarrels  and  fights  that 


occur  among  the  Boloki  and  their  neighbours  by  the 


name  of  war.  There  is  no  army  and  no  organization, 


but  all  the  men  and  lads  take  part  in  the  fight  that  affects  their 
family  or  their  town.  Their  fights  may  be  divided  into  three 
classes — the  family  fight,  the  town  fight,  and  the  district  fight. 
The  second  and  third  generally  arise  out  of  the  first. 

The  family  fight.  If  a family  has  a quarrel  with  another 
family  in  the  town  neither  guns,  spears,  nor  knives  are  used 
in  the  fight  that  follows,  but  always  sticks.  I do  not  mean  to 
say  that  no  man  ever  draws  his  knife  on  another  in  a town 
quarrel ; but  that  when  two  families  in  the  same  town  de- 
liberately fight  each  other  they  use  only  sticks  as  their  weapons. 
They  have  talked  until  they  are  tired  ; it  is  not  a case  for  the 
ordeal ; and  the  ordinary  methods  of  judging  a case  have 
failed,  so  they  resort  to  sticks,  and  the  party  driven  off  the 
“ field  ” by  sheer  weight  of  blows  is  the  loser.  The  losing  side 
then  pays  up  and  the  affair  is  ended.  The  other  families  in 
the  town  scarcely  ever  take  sides,  but  look  on  and  enjoy  the 
performance. 

When  a family  in  one  town  has  a fight  with  the  family  of 
another  town,  then  spears,  knives,  and  guns  are  freely  used. 


222 


The  Monsembe  people  for  several  weeks  were  threatened  by  some  neighbouring  villages  with  an  attack,  so  they  abandoned  their  houses,  and 
built  a number  of  these  huts  on  the  beach,  and  on  the  land  side  erected  a strong  palisade  to  protect  themselves. 


THE  FAMILY  FIGHT 


If  family  A of  X town  goes  to  fight  family  B of  Z town,  then 
the  other  families  in  Z will  stand  ready  armed  to  assist  their 
neighbours  should  they  not  be  able  to  repulse  the  enemy  ; 
and  should  the  other  families  in  Z town  help  the  B family  to 
drive  out  A family,  then  the  other  families  in  X town  \vill  help 
A family  on  its  next  venture  into  the  enemy’s  town,  and  what 
was  originally  a family  feud  becomes  a fight  between  two 
towns.  It  may  happen  that  B family  has  not  the  sympathy 
of  the  other  families  in  Z town,  and  they  will  stand  by  and  see 
that  family  driven  out  and  their  houses  raided;  or  it  may 
also  happen  that  the  A family  has  not  the  sympathy  of  the 
other  families  in  X town,  and  they  will  not  join  forces  with  it 
to  fight  the  folk  who  have  repulsed  them. 

This  is  put  to  the  test  in  the  following  way : The  head  of 
the  defeated  family  puts  a plantain  leaf  over  his  shoulder  one 
evening  and  walks  through  the  town  calling  out  the  reason 
for  the  fight,  the  family  against  whom  he  is  fighting,  and 
asking  that  volunteers  who  are  willing  to  help  him  will  meet 
next  morning  outside  his  house  ready  armed  to  accompany  him. 
Very  often  no  one  turns  up,  and  the  man  has  to  consider 
whether  his  own  family  has  any  chance  of  success  if  it  prose- 
cutes the  fight  alone,  or  whether  some  other  way  cannot  be 
found  of  settling  the  affair. 

If,  however,  the  head  of  the  family  is  an  important  man  of 
known  bravery  who  can  command  a large  following  of  slaves  and 
relatives,  and  there  is  every  prospect  of  success,  then  a large 
number  of  volunteers  will  turn  up  the  next  morning.  I have 
often  seen  a man  going  through  the  town  with  a plantain 
leaf  across  his  shoulder  calling  for  supporters.  Sometimes  they 
were  such  unimportant  men  that  they  were  laughed  at  for  their 
trouble. 

When  the  families  in  Z town  see  A family  returning  to  the 
assault  with  so  many  volunteers  they  wll  at  once  go  to  the 
assistance  of  their  hard-pressed  neighbour,  for  the  honour  and 
safety  of  the  town  are  now  at  stake,  and  the  affair  now 
becomes  a town  fight. 


223 


POISON  USED 


A town  fight.  The  X town  goes  en  masse  to  fight  the  enemy, 
leaving  behind  only  the  women,  the  children,  the  aged,  and 
the  sick.  If  X town  is  driven  back  by  Z town  and  is  unable  to 
defend  its  position,  then  the  women  and  children  are  carried 
off,  the  aged  and  sick  are  killed,  the  town  raided,  everything 
portable  is  removed,  and  the  houses  burnt  to  the  ground  ; 
but  if  the  X folk,  although  driven  back,  are  able  to  defend 
their  town  they  will  set  sentries  for  the  night ; and  next  day 
they  will  send  their  biggest  head-man  with  a plantain  leaf  over 
his  shoulder  to  call  up  volunteers  from  the  other  towns  with 
whom  they  are  friendly,  and  then  it  becomes  a war  between 
district  and  district. 

When  men  go  to  fight  distant  towns  their  wives  are  expected 
not  to  commit  adultery  with  such  men  as  are  left  in  the  town, 
or  their  husbands  will  receive  spear  wounds  from  the  enemy. 
The  sisters  of  the  fighters  will  take  every  precaution  to  guard 
against  the  unfaithfulness  of  their  brothers’  wives  while  they 
are  on  the  expedition. 

Some  fighters  put  fetish  “ medicine  ” on  their  spears  to 
give  precision  of  aim  ; others  rub  them  with  a vegetable 
poison  made  from  the  burnt  ashes  of  munsansangu  leaves ; 
and  others  go  to  the  medicine  man  of  the  ndemo  to  render 
them  invisible  to  the  enemy. 

It  is  impossible  to  keep  the  arrangements  for  an  attack 
secret.  There  are  always  friends  and  relatives  who  will  inform 
their  friends,  etc.,  on  the  other  side,  and  the  drums  are  beaten 
and  the  fighters  prepare  for  the  attack.  The  head  of  the  family 
whose  quarrel  it  is  arranges  the  fight  and  leads  the  van  with 
his  own  slaves,  family,  etc.  If  necessary  he  takes  counsel 
with  the  heads  of  the  other  families  helping  him. 

I never  knew  them  to  make  a night  attack.  They  would 
often  lie  in  ambush  and  capture,  if  possible,  those  who  fell  into 
the  trap,  and  kill  those  who  tried  to  escape.  Attacks  were 
often  made  in  the  early  morning,  soon  after  three  o’clock.  No 
scouts  were  employed,  but  when  necessary  sentries  were 
placed,  and  when  they  became  sleepy  they  aroused  two  of 

224 


Photo  by'\  IR(V.  /K  H.  Stapleton 

A Boloki  Shield 

Tbe  man  is  a Monsembe  slave  of  the  Mongo  tribe.  The  shield  is  strongly  plaited  of  dyed 
grasses  and  ornamented  round  the  edge  with  skins.  It  is  used  more  for  deflecting  spears  than  for 
receiving  them.  At  the  back  is  a wooden  plate  about  half  the  length  and  width  of  the  shield,  to 
which  the  basket-work  is  laced. 


MODE  OF  ATTACK 


their  comrades  to  take  their  places.  The  fighting  was  not 
worthy  of  the  name  of  a battle,  but  was  simply  an  affray,  a 
melee,  in  which  there  was  no  order  and  no  words  of  command. 
No  truce  was  allowed,  but  when  one  side  was  tired  of  the  fight, 
or  was  getting  the  worst  of  it,  they  sent  for  a go-between 
{molekaleku)  to  arrange  a meeting  and  the  terms  upon  which 
blood-brotherhood  could  be  made. 

A man  of  conspicuous  bravery  who  kills  a man  in  a fight 
receives  congratulatory  presents,  and  at  drinking-bouts  the 
first  mug  of  sugar-cane  wine  is  served  to  him  as  long  as  he 
retains  such  pre-eminence,  and  he  has  no  difficulty  in  procuring 
volunteers  to  aid  him  in  any  of  his  personal  quarrels.  When 
a man  kills  his  opponent  in  a fight  he  cuts  off  his  head  and 
removes  his  lips,  which  latter  he  thoroughly  dries  in  the  sun, 
and  then  sticks  them  over  with  brass  chair  nails  and  wears  them 
as  an  ornament  with  as  much  pride  as  a decoration  is  worn 
by  the  civilized  soldier — it  is  the  man’s  medal  for  bravery. 
The  skull  of  the  slain  man  is  put  at  the  base  of  a palm,  or  other 
tree  just  outside  the  victor’s  house,  and  when  the  victor  dies 
the  spirit  of  the  conquered  and  slain  man  is  called  upon  to  do 
service  to  the  spirit  of  the  conqueror  in  longa,  or  the  spirit- 
world. 

The  Boloki  when  attacking  a town  will  often  divide  into  two 
parties,  and  while  one  division  attacks  the  place  in  front  by 
water,  the  other  makes  a detour  over  land  and  attacks  the  rear. 
When  chasing  the  enemy  they  throw  their  light,  thin,  fighting 
spears  in  the  air,  and  these,  turning,  come  down  head  first  and 
pierce  the  shoulders,  and  I have  known  some  to  enter  the  top 
of  the  arm  and  come  out  at  the  elbow.  For  warding  off  spears 
they  use  grass-plaited  shields,  fine-woven  cotton  belts  wound 
round  and  round  the  waist,  and  some  have  cuirasses  of  hippo- 
potamus hide  to  cover  the  back.  The  cuirass  fastens  in  front, 
and  at  the  fastening  there  is  generally  a dagger  in  a sheath, 
which  is  easily  drawn.  There  are  a few  flint-lock  trade  guns 
among  them,  but  they  rely  on  their  light,  thin  spears  and 
knives  of  various  lengths  and  shapes.  Lads  who  cannot 

225 


p 


PRISONERS 


obtain  spears  use  stieks  with  sharpened  points  that  have  been 
hardened  in  the  fire,  and  with  these  they  harass  the  enemy. 
When  fighting  they  wear  skin  hats,  more  as  a protection 
against  cuts  than  for  ornament ; and  the  whole  face  is  black- 
ened with  a thick  paste  of  oil  and  soot,  or  oil  and  burnt  ground 
nuts,  and  the  eyes  are  surrounded  with  circles  of  chalk  or 
white  clay.  This  is  to  disguise  them  from  their  enemies. 
The  Boloki,  among  the  Congo  people,  are  acknowledged  to  be 
the  fiercest  and  the  bravest  in  a fight,  and  are  greatly  feared 
by  the  other  tribes. 

Prisoners  taken  are  held  to  ransom,  and  if  not  ransomed 
they  are  retained,  sold,  or  killed,  according  to  the  whim  of  the 
captor.  The  first  prisoner  taken  by  a man  is  given,  as  a first- 
fruit,  to  the  man’s  father,  or,  failing  him,  to  his  nearest  relative. 
Women  very  often  become  the  wives  of  their  captors.  Prisoners 
captured  in  war  belong  to  their  captors,  and  the  same  applies 
to  all  kinds  of  spoils.  The  bodies  of  enemies  are  carried  when 
possible  from  the  “ field  ” and  eaten  at  a general  feast.  If  the 
prisoners  are  not  redeemed  they  become  slaves,  and  while  the 
young  ones  amalgamate  with  their  conquerors,  and  often 
become  a part  of  the  families  of  their  owners,  the  elder  ones 
who  have  their  own  tribal  marks  well  defined  never  take  other 
than  a servile  position  in  the  towns  of  their  masters. 

The  chief  cause  of  quarrels  and  fights  on  the  Congo  is  about 
women,  and  although  the  ostensible  reason  may  be  a drunken 
row  or  a debt,  yet  if  you  push  the  matter  to  its  real  origin  you 
will  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten  find  a woman  at  the  bottom  of  it. 
Directly  after  blood-brotherhood  is  made  all  is  friendly  so  far 
as  seeming  outward  appearances  may  show ; but  I know 
from  experience  that  the  conquered  are  only  awaiting  their 
opportunity  of  revenge. 

There  are  certain  omens  that  demand  careful  attention 
during  war  time.  To  some,  if  a snake  during  war  goes  in 
front  towards  the  enemy  it  is  a sign  that  success  will  attend 
their  undertaking,  but  if  the  snake  comes  towards  them  the 
omen  is  against  them.  To  others,  if  the  muntontwa  (a  small 

226 


A Boloki  Method  of  Beheading 


WAR  DANCE 


active  bird  with  a long  beak)  flies  towards  the  enemy  the  omen 
is  in  their  favour,  but  if  it  comes  from  the  direction  of  the 
enemy  it  is  not  to  be  disregarded  or  some  calamity  will  surely 
overtake  them.  To  most  natives  it  will  be  a bad  sign  if  a 
man  kicks  his  foot  against  anything  in  the  road.  Sometimes 
the  stronger-minded  ones  laugh  away  the  fears  of  those  who 
are  inclined  to  turn  back  if  the  omens  are  against  them  ; but 
it  more  frequently  happens  that  they  turn  en  masse,  probably 
glad  to  postpone  the  fight. 

After  a fight,  in  which  some  of  the  enemy  are  killed,  only 
the  men  meet  to  engage  in  the  honkani  dance.  The  men  dance 
with  their  spears  and  knives,  and  any  goats,  sheep,  dogs,  or 
fowls  that  approach  the  dancers  are  instantly  speared,  cooked, 
and  eaten.  As  a man  beats  the  drum  one  after  another  of  the 
dancers  advances,  and  in  a solo  tells  of  his  exploits  during  the 
late  fight,  which  exploits  are  more  often  in  the  imagination 
than  on  the  field  of  battle  ; but  they  vie  with  one  another  in 
“ drawing  the  long  bow  ” on  such  occasions. 

At  times  they  use  the  following  divination  to  ascertain  the 
results  of  a proposed  fight : A saucepan  of  marsh  or  forest 
water  is  procured  and  some  “ medicine  ” is  put  into  it.  The 
saucepan  is  placed  on  the  fire,  to  which  none  but  the  operators 
have  access,  and  then,  after  due  time,  they  say  to  this  likato 
(saucepan  of  water  with  “ medicine  ” in  it),  “ Will  they  kill 
us  in  the  fight  ? ” If  the  water  boils  up  and  fills  the  saucepan, 
then  it  is  an  omen  that  some  of  them  will  be  killed,  so  they 
abandon  the  war  ; but  if  the  water  keeps  low  they  ask,  “ Shall 
we  kill  some  of  them  in  the  fight  ? ” Then  if  the  water  rises 
in  the  saucepan  it  is  an  omen  that  some  of  the  enemy  will  be 
killed,  and  the  war  is  prosecuted ; but  if  the  water  does  not 
boil  over  it  indicates  that  they  will  not  kill  any  of  the  enemy, 
consequently  the  proposed  fight  is  dropped.  This  test  is 
applied  several  times  before  it  is  considered  satisfactory. 

I have  seen  natives  fight  both  on  the  Lower  and  Upper 
Congo.  On  the  Lower  Congo  flint-loek  guns  are  used,  and  do 
almost  as  much  harm  to  the  firer  as  to  the  one  fired  at.  Through 

227 


SPEARS  AND  FLINT-LOCK  GUNS 


being  so  flimsily  made  a heavy  charge  of  gunpowder  will  often 
cause  the  old  gas-pipe  barrels  to  explode,  and  a large  number 
of  our  hospital  accidents  are  from  guns  bursting  in  hunting 
and  fighting.  The  firer  holds  the  butt  of  his  gun  against  the 
palm  of  his  right  hand,  consequently  when  the  gun  jerks  in 
firing,  the  bullet  goes  anywhere  but  at  the  object  aimed  at 
unless  that  object  is  very  near.  I have  known  over  two 
hundred  men  fire  at  about  thirty  for  a whole  day  and  only  one 
man  was  wounded  in  the  ankle  by  a spent  slug.  Their  guns 
will  not  carry  far,  and  they  stand  at  long  distances  from  one 
another  and  fire. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Boloki,  relying  as  he  does  on  his  fight- 
ing spear,  runs  in  to  throw  it,  and  many  wounds  are  inflicted  in 
a very  short  time.  On  the  Lower  Congo  a person  is  seldom  killed 
in  a fight  with  guns  ; but  among  the  Boloki  there  is  never  a 
fight  between  town  and  town  without  several  deaths. 


228 


CHAPTER  XVI 


HUNTING 


Scarcity  of  animal  life — Bush-burning— Game  in  ancient  times — No  bush- 
burning on  Upper  Congo — Scarcity  of  game — Absence  of  prairie  lands — 
Large  forests — Division  of  an  animal— Mode  of  preserving  meat — Omen 
of  success  or  failure — Taboo  on  trap  makers — Fetishing  hunting-dog — 
Spears  used  for  some  animals— String  nets  for  others. 


HOSE  parts  of  the  Congo  with  which  I am  acquainted 


are  not  teeming  with  animal  life,  so  far  as  my  experience 


goes.  I cannot  claim  the  role  of  an  ardent  sportsman, 
yet  I carried  my  gun  many  a weary  mile  in  search  of  supplies 
for  my  table,  nor  did  I often  return  unsuccessful. 

The  natives,  both  on  the  Upper  and  Lower  Congo,  give  much 
time  to  hunting,  and  are  fairly  successful  when  there  is  game 
about.  Undoubtedly  the  annual  grass-burning  on  the  Lower 
Congo  has  gradually  and  surely  reduced  the  game,  so  that  a 
party  of  hunters  does  not  now  bring  home  an  antelope  once  in 
two  months,  although  they  might  be  out  almost  every  day. 
In  August,  September,  and  early  October  hundreds  of  miles  of 
bush  are  burnt  to  the  ground.  Every  town  has  its  own  “ bush,” 
and  after  burning  a circle  round  their  town  to  secure  it  against 
fire  when  the  “ bush  ” is  blazing  before  a rushing  wind,  the 
town-folk  arrange  to  fire  one  “ patch  of  bush  ” after  another, 
until  the  whole  country  is  black  with  charred  grass  stumps. 
When  a patch  is  burnt  it  is  surrounded  by  the  chief  and  his 
men  owning  it,  and  they  shoot  down  the  antelopes,  bush-pigs, 
palm-rats,  gazelles,  etc.,  as  they  rush  by  in  terror  from  the  on- 
coming flames.  This  annual  bush-burning  has  been  going  on 


229 


GAME  IN  ANCIENT  TIMES 


for  generations,  and  accounts  for  the  scarcity  of  animal  life  on 
the  Lower  Congo. 

In  a book  i I have  before  me  there  are  evidences  that  animal 
life  was  very  prolific  at  the  time  of  the  narrator’s  visit  to  the 
Kingdom  of  Congo.  He  gives  various  accounts  of  the  mode  of 
hunting  then  followed  on  the  Lower  Congo,  but  does  not 
mention  any  bush-burning,  so  apparently  this  mode  of  hunting 
came  into  vogue  at  a later  date.  He  also  speaks  of  the  lion 
and  zebra  as  being  plentiful ; these  now,  however,  are  never 
seen  on  the  Lower  Congo.  He  mentions  the  tiger  (?)  as  being 
very  numerous  and  fierce  ; but  as  he  gives  the  native  name — 
engoi — we  know  that  he  is  speaking  of  the  leopard,  which  is 
regarded  still  as  a royal  beast,  and  is  always  spoken  of  as  mfumu 
(lord). 

On  the  Upper  Congo  are  many  hippopotami — in  a quiet  side 
channel  in  1890  we  counted  over  one  hundred  of  these  huge 
beasts  on  a single  sandbank  ; and  as  we  passed  the  noise  of  our 
steamer  frightened  them.  They  took  to  the  water,  churned  it 
in  their  alarm,  and  thumped  the  bottom  of  our  steamer  re- 
peatedly. Crocodiles  are  very  numerous,  and  are  frequently 
killed  from  the  decks  of  steamers  passing  up  and  down  the 
river.  They  are  more  cautious  than  formerly,  and  make  for 
the  river  on  the  slightest  alarm.  Many  water-birds  are  to  be 
seen  along  the  banks,  and  in  the  quieter  creeks  and  channels 
monkeys  of  various  species  sit  chattering  in  the  trees.  The 
numerous  steamers  that  now  run  up  and  down  the  river  and 
its  larger  tributaries  have  frightened  the  hippo,  the  crocodile, 
and  monkeys  from  the  main  channels  to  the  smaller  ones, 
and  the  hunter  must  now  go  by  canoe,  boat,  or  small  launch 
up  these  unfrequented  water  bypaths  if  he  is  in  search  of 
sport. 

There  is  no  bush-burning  on  the  Upper  Congo,  for  the 
greater  part  of  it  is  forest  land,  with  here  and  there  an  open 
glade  of  forty  or  fifty  acres  in  extent.  Animal  life,  however,  is 

' “ A Report  of  the  Kingdom  of  Congo  from  the  writings  etc.  of  Duarte 
Lopez  by  Filippo  Pigafetta,  in  Rome  1591.” 

230 


SCARCITY  OF  GAME 


not  prolific,  and  this  may  be  accounted  for,  perhaps,  by  these 
reasons  : There  are  no  great  prairie  or  bush-lands  where  animals 
can  breed  in  comparative  security,  and  the  Equatorial  district 
for  hundreds  of  miles  is  periodically  flooded.  About  every  ten 
or  eleven  years  the  banks  are  under  water.  I have  had  to  go 
about  my  own  station  in  a boat,  and  I have  eaten  antelopes  and 
bush-pigs  that  were  caught  and  killed  just  off  our  station  in  the 
over-swollen  river.  In  August,  1890,  the  river  at  Monsembe  was 
eleven  feet  below  the  bank,  but  every  year  its  highest  rise  was 
higher  than  the  previous  year,  until  in  November,  1896,  and 
again  in  1897,  the  river  was  running  under  our  houses.  Then 
for  a few  years  its  highest  watermark  was  lower  than  the  pre- 
ceding year  ; and  in  1903  it  took  the  turn,  and  the  country  was 
flooded  again  in  1908.  During  the  1896  flood  we  learned  from 
the  natives  that  the  river  “ was  flooded  like  this  when  So-and-so 
was  a boy  that  height.”  We  judged  that  to  be  about  ten  years 
before. 

These  floods  have  undoubtedly  helped  to  keep  down  the 
animal  life  of  the  Equatorial  district,  and,  in  addition,  it  is 
probable  that  forest  lands  are  not  such  good  breeding-places 
as  the  open  veldt  lands  of  South  Africa,  where  the  enemy  cannot 
so  easily  take  an  animal  by  surprise. 

There  are  in  every  Boloki  town  two  or  three  men  who  are  the 
recognized  hunters,  either  because  of  their  success,  their  swift- 
ness of  movement,  their  accuraey  of  aim,  or  their  daring  cour- 
age. These  men  are  the  leaders  in  the  hunt,  and  always  receive 
a larger  share  of  the  spoil  than  the  ordinary  man. 

The  owner  of  the  slain  animal  is  he  whose  spear  first  enters 
a vital  part,  and  though  the  others  have  a share  according  to 
their  importance,  yet  he  takes  the  largest  portion  for  himself. 
Various  relatives,  head-men,  and  chiefs  have  rights  over  cer- 
tain parts  of  an  animal  killed  by  a relative  or  a member  of  the 
town.  These  portions  vary  considerably  with  the  different 
families  and  towns.  A child  takes  a leg  or  a shoulder  of  the 
animal  slain  by  his  father,  a mother  receives  the  belly-piece  or 
the  neck  from  her  successful  son.  These  bespoke  portions  that 

231 


MODE  OF  PRESERVING  MEAT 


belong  to  the  family  are  called  hilelo.  The  head-man  of  the 
town  receives  the  head  or  a leg,  and  his  portion  is  called 
motando.  After  the  fortunate  hunter  has  met  these  claims,  and 
has  given  his  companions  in  the  hunt  a piece  each,  there  is  often 
not  much  left  for  himself.  There  is  no  close  season  for  hunting. 

The  boundaries  of  the  town  are  well  defined,  and  the  islands 
belonging  to  a town  are  well  known  to  all  the  other  towns  in 
the  neighbourhood.  If  an  animal  is  killed  on  ground  owned  by 
a town  other  than  that  to  which  the  huntsman  belongs,  he  has 
to  send  a portion  of  it — generally  the  head — to  the  chief  who 
claims  the  land. 

The  only  mode  I observed  among  them  for  preserving  the 
meat  is  that  of  thoroughly  drying  it,  or  smoking  it,  over  a fire. 
As  a rule  not  much  meat  is  preserved  in  this  way,  as  the  animal 
is  usually  eaten  all  up  in  three  or  four  days.  Those  who  have 
more  than  they  can  eat  are  always  willing  to  sell  some  of  it  to 
the  less  fortunate,  and  buyers  are  numerous. 

Men  going  to  hunt  carry  their  special  charms  with  them, 
either  on  their  person  or  on  their  spears.  These  charms  are 
almost  as  numerous  as  there  are  huntsmen  ; you  will  scarcely 
find  two  men  in  a party  who  have  faith  in  the  same  kind  of 
charm.  But  there  are  certain  ceremonies  performed  in  which 
all  the  huntsmen  take  part. 

In  the  case  of  a special  hunt,  say  for  killing  elephants,  a 
medicine  man  was  called  who  took  two  or  three  days  to  per- 
form an  elaborate  ritual  and  “ make  medicine.”  This  only 
occurred  once  during  my  residence  at  Monsembe,  and  then  the 
hunt  was  not  successful.  Although  I inquired  about  what  the 
medicine  man  did,  the  people  were  too  suspicious  of  me  to 
inform  me  about  his  proceedings.  I found  later  that  the  natives 
thought  that  the  spirits  of  the  deceased  who  inhabited  the 
forests  had  power  to  turn  the  animals  aside  from  the  traps  and 
thus  render  them  ineffective,  so  the  first  thing  to  be  done  when 
arranging  a hunt  was  to  call  the  medicine  man  of  the  mat. 
This  medicine  man  brought  his  mats,  charms,  some  saucepans 
and  calabashes.  He  set  up  his  mat,  and  entering  the  enclosed 

232 


FETISH  HUNTING-DOG 


space  he  went  through  secret  rites  that  lasted  from  one  to  three 
days.  During  these  secret  ceremonies  he  caught  the  spirits  of 
the  locality  where  the  trap  was  set  (or  was  to  be  set),  and  shut 
them  up  in  a saucepan,  or  secured  them  safely  in  a calabash. 

Again,  all  those  concerned  in  the  hunt  had  to  chew  red 
pepper  and  the  pulp  of  the  nsafu  'fruit,  and  if  anyone  refused 
to  eat  this  mixture  or  could  not  spit  it  out  properly  it  was 
taken  as  an  adverse  omen  and  the  hunt  abandoned.  When 
the  medicine  man  had  secured  the  spirits  in  his  saucepan  or 
calabash,  and  the  omen  was  satisfactory,  the  man  who  started 
the  proceedings  and  two  or  three  friends  went  and  put  up  the 
spear- trap.  From  the  time  of  setting  the  trap  until  an  animal 
was  killed  in  it  and  eaten,  these  men  abstained  from  all  inter- 
course with  women,  otherwise  the  luck  would  be  bad  and  their 
trap  unsuccessful.  The  same  prohibition  was  enforced  on  hunters 
who  made  traps  (motam&w=noose-traps)  for  bush-pigs  and 
burrowing  animals. 

The  natives  are  not  good  trackers.  I very  often  hunted  with 
them,  and  after  a short  time  I was  able  to  track  the  game  as 
quickly  as  they.  They  relied  more  on  the  animal  running  into 
a trap,  or  into  a noose,  than  tracking  them  down  and  spearing 
them.  They  never  went  tracking  for  long  distances  like  the 
North  American  Indians,  but  simply  for  a mile  or  two  round 
their  own  towns.  Undoubtedly  the  various  chiefs  owning  the 
ground  and  demanding  certain  parts  of  the  animals  killed  on 
their  land  restricted  the  tracking  and  hunting  to  small  areas 
for  setting  traps  only,  and  consequently  their  tracking  instincts 
were  not  developed. 

The  medicine  man  of  the  mat  takes  the  dog  selected  for 
hunting  purposes  and  puts  into  its  mouth  and  nose  the  juice 
pressed  from  a crushed  shrub  called  mumpongo,  and  this  makes 
the  dog  keen  of  scent  and  courageous  in  the  hunt.  When  such 
a dog  dies  it  is  not  eaten  like  other  dogs,  but  is  buried  in  a mat 
like  a child,  for  it  is  a fetish  dog,  and  hence  it  is  supposed  to 
have  a kind  of  spirit  which,  if  not  properly  treated,  can  bring 
bad  luck  on  its  former  owner. 


233 


SPEARS  USED  FOR  SOME  ANIMALS 


For  hippopotami,  elephants,  and  antelopes  spring  traps  were 
placed  across  their  tracks.  These  traps  are  made  by  putting  two 
stout  uprights  about  four  feet  apart,  one  on  either  side  of  the 
track ; then  a stout  cross-piece  is  tied  at  about  twelve  feet 
from  the  ground.  To  the  middle  of  this  cross-piece  and  right 
over  the  track  is  fixed  a heavy  log  of  wood  ; and  into  the  down- 
ward end  of  the  log  is  placed  a strong,  sharp,  heavy  spear  or 
prong.  The  log  is  so  arranged  that  when  the  string  which 
stretches  across  the  path  is  touched  by  the  passing  animal,  down 
comes  the  log,  and  four  times  out  of  six  the  spear  enters  the 
body  of  the  beast.  I once  saw  the  body  of  a man  who,  while 
running  in  the  forest,  had  inadvertently  touched  the  spring 
of  one  of  these  traps.  The  spear  caught  him  in  the  back  of  the 
neck,  passed  through  his  body,  and  came  out  between  his 
legs.  Such  traps  were  called  mbonga.  Occasionally  pit-traps 
are  made,  but  it  is  seldom  that  anything  is  found  in  them. 

In  hunting  the  larger  bush  animals,  and  also  crocodiles,  the 
spear  is  the  most  common  weapon,  and  this  is  hurled  with 
great  precision  and  swiftness.  But  in  hunting  smaller  game, 
as  the  small  antelopes,  coypus,  or  palm-rats,  bush-pigs,  and 
gazelle-like  animals,  long  string  nets  are  employed.  These  nets 
are  placed  in  a semicircle  near  where  the  animal  is  supposed 
to  be,  and  then  the  hunters  carefully  beat  the  bush,  driving  the 
game  before  them  into  the  net.  Most  of  the  hunting-spears 
are  light,  with  a small  blade  and  thin  shaft,  and  some  have 
barbs  along  either  side  of  the  blade. 


234 


CHAPTER  XVII 


FISHING 


Collecting  fish  for  the  Museum — Modes  of  fishing — By  torchlight — Fish- 
fences — Traps  and  spoon-nets — Floating  buoys  and  hooks— Fish-spears 
— Fish  poisons — Prohibition  with  fish  traps — Addressing  the  fisherman — 
Penalties— First-fruits — Portion  given  to  head  chief. 


ISH  is  very  plentiful  in  the  Congo  and  its  tributaries. 


The  writer  was  asked  a few  years  ago  by  the  authorities 


of  the  Natural  History  Museum,  London,  if  he  would 
undertake  to  collect  Congo  fish  for  them.  This  he  readily  con- 
sented to  do,  and  was  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  rendering 
them  any  assistance  in  his  power  on  the  understanding  that  it 
should  be  no  expense,  for  transport,  etc.,  to  his  Society.  The 
Museum  authorities  sent  him  the  necessary  preserving  spirits 
and  the  tanks,  The  latter  he  filled  with  fish,  labelled  them  and 
forwarded  them  to  M.  G.  A.  Boulenger,  who  has  charge  of  the 
Ichthyological  Department  at  the  Natural  History  Museum. 
The  natives  themselves  became  interested  in  collecting  fish,  and 
brought  me  their  catches  to  see  if  there  was  a fish  among  them 
that  I had  not  put  into  the  “ box  ” ; and  when  later  the 
Museum  authorities  sent  me  about  fifty  plates,  beautifully 
engraved,  of  the  Congo  fish  that  I and  others  had  sent  to  them, 
nothing  delighted  the  native  lads  more  than  looking  over  those 
plates  and  talking  about  the  fish  represented  by  them. 

I started  collecting  in  the  following  simple  way  : In  1893  we 
had  no  fish-hooks  on  the  station,  but  the  boys  asked  my  wife 
to  give  them  some  pins  with  which  to  make  hooks.  This  we 
did,  on  the  condition  that  the  young  fishermen  brought  their 
catches  to  us  and  allowed  us  to  take  one  or  two  fish  for  my 


236 


MODES  OF  FISHING 

bottle.  The  fish  they  caught  by  such  primitive  means  were,  of 
course,  rather  small,  about  the  size  of  one’s  fingers  ; but  I 
soon  had  two  pickle  bottles  full  of  various  kinds  of  fish.  These 
bottles  I brought  home  in  1895  and  gave  to  the  Natural  History 
Museum,  and  several  new  species  were  found  in  that  small,  un- 
pretentious collection.  This  led  the  Museum  authorities  to 
ask  me  to  collect  larger  fish,  which  I gladly  did. 

I was  much  interested  in  noticing  the  various  modes  of 
fishing  pursued  by  the  different  tribes  on  the  Congo,  and  will 
here  give  the  results  of  my  observations  : (1)  Fishing  by  torches 
at  night.  Fishermen  in  twos  and  threes  would  light  a bunch 
of  grass,  or  an  old  mat,  on  a dark  night  and  would  walk  quietly 
along  the  river’s  bank,  holding  the  light  well  up  with  one  hand 
so  as  to  attract  the  fish,  and  having  in  the  other  hand  a long 
knife  or  spear  well  poised,  ready  to  strike  any  fish  that  was 
attracted  by  the  bright  light.  I never  saw  them  catch  a fish  in 
this  way,  but  they  must  kill  one  occasionally,  or  they  would 
not  trouble  to  spend  their  time  in  this  manner.  This  mode 
of  fishing  was  common  to  all  the  peoples  right  along  the  river. 
(2)  During  certain  seasons  of  the  year — May  and  November — 
the  Congo  itself  and  its  numerous  tributaries,  inlets,  and  creeks 
are  flooded  with  heavy  rains.  The  watershed  of  the  Congo 
River  is  extensive  enough  to  benefit  by  the  rainy  seasons 
both  north  and  south  of  the  Equator ; hence  the  two  rises  in 
the  year — May  and  November. 

At  flood  times  fences  are  built  across  the  smaller  creeks  and 
streams.  These  fences  are  so  closely  woven  that  none  but  the 
smallest  fish  can  pass.  As  soon  as  the  water  falls,  which  it 
generally  does  in  six  or  eight  weeks,  those  who  built  the  fences 
go  and  search  the  shallow  water  and  mud  for  any  fish  that  may 
have  been  shut  in  the  trap.  In  this  way  large  quantities  of 
various  kinds  of  fish  are  caught,  which,  being  cleaned  and 
thoroughly  dried  in  the  smoke  over  a slow  fire,  help  them  much 
by  rendering  their  sour  cassava  more  palatable.  During  the 
time  that  the  river  is  subsiding  the  people  catch  snails,  and  cut 
them  up  to  feed  the  fish  in  these  creek  traps,  and  also  in  any 

236 


I 


TRAPS  AND  SPEAR-NETS 


ponds  and  pools  left  on  the  islands  by  the  receding  river.  At 
flood  time  many  of  the  islands  are  one  and  two  feet  under 
water,  and  as  the  river  goes  down  large  pools  are  left  in  the 
hollows.  These  are  claimed  by  those  people  who,  as  the  water 
shallows,  fatten  the  fish  with  snails  and  cassava  parings,  and 
in  due  time  they  bail  the  remaining  water  out  of  these  pools 


A LONG  FISH -TRAP 

The  mouth  is  put  up-river,  and  partitions  in  it  are  so  arranged  that 
fish  can  enter,  but  cannot  get  out.  See  page  34.1. 

and  catch  the  gasping  fish  left  on  the  muddy  bottom.  The  mud- 
fish and  siluroids  are  caught  in  large  quantities  in  these  pools 
and  ponds.  Both  these  modes  of  fishing  are  common  to  the 
whole  river  above  Stanley  Pool. 

(3)  On  the  Upper  Congo,  where  the  water  is  shallow  and  the 
banks  slope  gradually  and  regularly,  the  natives  select  a suit- 
able place  and  drive  in  a number  of  wooden  stakes  forming  a 
large  semicircle,  the  ends  of  which  touch  the  bank  at  from  15 

237 


TRAPS  AND  SPEAR-NETS 


to  20  yards  from  each  other.  They  then  fasten  long  bamboo 
nets  to  the  stakes,  thus  enclosing  a large  sheet  of  water.  A 
large  number  of  light  branches  and  leaves  are  loosely  thrown 
over  the  surface  of  the  enclosed  water ; the  up-river  end  of 
this  fish-trap  is  left  open  for  the  fish  to  pass  in  where  they 
find  shade.  Snails  and  cassava  parings  are  cut  up  and  thrown 
in  to  fatten  the  fish  and  induce  them  to  stay.  As  the  river 
rises  more  branches  are  thrown  on  the  enclosed  water,  and 
the  fish  gliding  along  the  bank  enter,  and  are  charmed  by  the 
cool  shade  and  food  they  find  there. 

As  soon  as  the  river  begins  to  fall  below  the  top  of  the  net 
the  opening  is  shut.  At  this  stage  the  natives  frequently 
spear  fish  by  probing  with  their  fish-spears  among  the  branches 
and  grass  inside  the  trap.  In  a few  weeks  the  river  falls,  and 
the  branches  are  carefully  removed,  and  a number  of  women 
and  boys  and  girls  enter  the  water  with  cone-shaped  baskets 
about  2 feet  high,  18  inches  in  diameter  at  the  mouth,  and  an 
8-inch  opening  at  the  top.  These  baskets  they  lift  up  and 
down  in  the  water,  placing  the  bottom  firmly  each  time  on 
the  river-bed,  and  from  the  feel  they  can  tell  whether  a fish  is 
enclosed  or  not.  They  catch  fish  frequently  in  this  way,  and 
then  they  put  their  hand  through  the  top  opening  and  grip  it. 
If  the  fish  is  too  large  for  that,  then  a spear  is  passed  through 
and  the  fish  pinned  to  the  ground.  See  page  239. 

Around  the  outside  of  the  fence  will  be  a number  of  canoes, 
occupied  by  men  and  lads  fishing  with  large  string  nets  fastened 
to  stout  canes  of  calamus  palms.  With  these  they  spoon  the 
water  and  often  bring  up  a fish.  After  a time  the  large  bamboo- 
net  fence  is  slowly  pulled  up  the  sloping  bank,  sweeping  before 
it  and  enclosing  in  its  narrowing  space  any  fish  that  may 
have  escaped  the  spears,  nets,  and  traps,  until  it  is  drawn 
right  up  the  bank.  The  whole  scene  is  very  animated,  men 
and  women,  boys  and  girls — a score  or  more  of  them — laugh- 
ing, jesting,  joking  most  noisily,  splashing  each  other,  scram- 
bling, swimming,  kicking,  fighting,  and  diving  in  their  efforts 
to  catch  the  fish  they  feel  gliding  between  their  legs  or  slipping 

238 


TRAPS  AND  SPEAR-NETS 

through  their  fingers.  Many  go  as  mueh  for  the  fun  as  for  the 
fish. 

(4)  Fish-hooks,  probably  first  introduced  by  white  men,  are 
in  general  use  all  along  the  river.  The  hook  is  baited  with 


See  page  241. 


See  page  238. 


cassava,  or  earth  worms,  or  the  entrails  of  fowls.  It  is  thrown 
into  the  river  to  lie  on  the  bottom  until  it  is  found  and  swal- 
lowed by  a hungry  fish.  I have  seen  a fish  weighing  20  pounds 
caught  in  this  way.  The  end  of  the  line  is  a running  noose 
placed  round  the  angler’s  wrist.  I once  saw  a boy  about 
14  years  old  jerked  off  the  bank  into  the  river  by  a fish 
that  had  swallowed  his  hook,  and  then  in  fright  had  suddenly 

239 


FLOATING  BUOYS  AND  HOOKS 


started  off.  The  boy,  taken  by  surprise,  lost  his  balance  and 
toppled  into  the  river ; he  and  his  fish,  however,  were  soon 
pulled  out. 

The  following  is  another  mode  of  using  the  fish-hook  : A 
crescent-shaped  float  of  light  wood  (generally  ambash)  is 
prepared,  and  a cord  is  fixed  across  from  horn  to  horn ; from 
this  cord  hangs  a string  with  the  baited  hook  at  the  end. 


ANCHOllED  FLOAT  WITH  BAITED  HOOK 


This  float  has  a heavy  stone  fastened  to  it  at  the  end  of  a long 
cord.  The  fisherman  goes  into  the  middle  of  the  river,  drops 
the  stone  anchor  (to  keep  the  float  from  being  carried  away 
by  the  current),  arranges  the  float  and  hook,  and  returns  to 
land  in  his  canoe.  As  long  as  he  sees  the  horns  of  his  float 
above  water  he  knows  that  no  fish  is  on  the  hook.  When  a 
fish  takes  the  bait  and  swallows  the  hook,  it  overturns  the 
float  in  its  attempts  to  escape,  and  when  the  fisherman  sees 
the  rounded  bottom  of  his  float  above  water  he  knows  that  a 


240 


CONE-SHAPED  TRAPS 


fish  is  caught  on  the  hook.  I have  seen  fish  weighing  close  on 
40  pounds  eaught  by  this  ingenious  method. 

Throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  river  the  natives  use 


SINGLE  AND  DOUBI.E  FISH  TBAFS 

See  pages  241-2 


FISH  SPEAR  WITH  DETACHABLE  HEAD 

large  eone-shaped  traps  made  of  split  canes  and  bamboos. 
These  traps  vary  in  size  from  6 feet  to  12  feet  in  length,  and 
from  2 feet  to  7 feet  in  diameter  at  the  mouth.  The  sides  run 
straight  for  two-thirds  of  the  length,  and  then  taper  off  to  a 

241 


Q 


FISH  POISONS 


point.  Inside  are  several  partitions  running  in  semicircles  and 
at  an  obtuse  angle  to  the  sides,  so  that  it  is  easy  for  the  fish 
to  enter ; but  if  they  try  to  escape,  the  sharp,  irregular  ends 
of  the  canes  forming  the  partitions  probe  them,  and  effectually 
turn  them  back.  These  large  basket-like  traps  are  weighted 
and  dropped  into  deep  water  with  their  mouths  up-stream. 
Some  have  only  one  smaller  circle  of  canes  arranged  inside  a 
larger.  There  is  also  another  trap  having  the  same  diameter 
for  its  whole  length,  and  a mouth  at  each  end  with  a smaller 
cone-shaped  partition  arranged  in  each  opening,  so  that  fish 
coming  from  opposite  directions  can  enter. 

Fish-spears  are  of  different  shapes,  but  their  hafts  are  always 
long — from  10  to  12  feet — and  tapered  towards  the  end. 
Sometimes  the  handles  are  of  sticks,  and  sometimes  of  bam- 
boos. The  fish-spear  is  often  a simple  prong,  sometimes  an 
ordinary  spear  shape,  but  the  commonest  form  is  the  barbed — 
single,  or  double,  or  triple.  The  two  former  are  always  tightly 
fixed  in  their  handles,  but  the  barbed  kiiid  is  always  detach- 
able, having  two  or  three  yards  of  string  loosely  wound  round 
the  handle  near  to  the  spear-head.  This  allows  the  barbed 
head  of  the  spear  to  remain  in  the  fish,  and  the  handle  to  float 
and  show  its  whereabouts.  I think  the  only  reason  for  this 
difference  is  that  the  barbed  spear-heads  are  scarce  and  costly, 
and  on  account  of  the  detachable  handles  they  are  not  so  likely 
to  lose  them. 

Fish  poisons  are  used.  One  was  the  milky  juice  of  a legu- 
minous, hairy  plant,  called  botoko  (probably  Tephrosia  toxifera), 
which  was  crushed  and  thrown  into  the  streamlets  and  creeks 
and  has  the  effect  of  partially  stupefying  the  fish.  The  other 
was  the  juice  of  the  Euphorbia,  named  by  the  natives  kokoiulu. 

(5)  The  Libinza  people,  to  whom  I have  referred  several 
times,  make  the  largest  nets,  and  fish  in  a more  business-like 
way  than  any  tribe  I have  seen  on  the  Upper  Congo.  These 
nets  are  of  a large  mesh,  and  are  made  entirely  of  native 
string.  In  shape  the  net  is  like  a box  without  a lid.  It  is 
15  feet  long,  about  8 feet  wide,  and  from  3 to  4 feet  deep. 

242 


- 


rl 


M 


m 


■1 


>j 


f u 


^3 


FISH  POISONS 

This  is  a fair  average  size ; there  are  many  larger  than  this, 
and  some  smaller. 

Soon  after  dark  the  Libinza  fishennen  select  a suitable  place 
— a sandbank  with  three  or  four  feet  of  water  on  it.  The  net 
is  fixed  by  one  end  and  the  two  sides,  being  tied  to  stakes 
driven  in  the  sand  ; the  other  end  was  allowed  to  lie  on  the 
bottom  of  the  river.  Having  fastened  the  net,  they  form  a 
wide  semicircle  at  some  distance  from  the  loose  end  of  their 
net,  and  at  a signal  they  begin  to  beat  the  water  with  their 
hands  and  feet,  gradually  working  up  to  the  open  end  and 
driving  the  startled  fish  before  them.  This  operation  is  fre- 
quently repeated  through  the  night,  and  as  a result  large 
quantities  of  all  kinds  of  fish  are  brought  to  the  tow’n  next 
morning.  For  this  kind  of  fishing  the  river  must  be  fairly 
shallow. 

(6)  The  Basoko  people  have  another  mode  of  fishing  by 
means  of  a string  net  30  feet  long  and  5 feet  high.  The  two 
ends  are  fixed  to  sticks  ; along  the  upper  edge  of  the  net  were 
floats  of  pith-wood,  and  along  the  bottom  edge  were  weights 
of  burnt  fire-clay.  The  men  go  out  in  a canoe,  and  at  a likely 
place  the  net  is  unrolled,  and  one  man  slips  over  the  side  of 
the  canoe  wdth  one  end  of  the  net  which,  by  means  of  the 
stick,  he  fastens  upright  in  the  bed  of  the  river ; the  other 
man  then  jumps  into  the  river  with  his  end  of  the  net  and 
makes  a wide  detour — the  floats  buoying  up  one  edge  and  the 
weights  sinking  the  other.  The  second  man  having  made  as 
wide  a detour  as  the  length  of  the  net  permits,  sweeps  round 
the  fixed  end  and  winds  the  net  closely  round  and  round, 
entangling  in  its  meshes  any  fish  caught  inside  the  circle  of  its 
sweep.  I have  seen  many  fish  caught  in  this  manner. 

(7)  The  Bopoto  people  have  another  mode,  which  appears 
more  clumsy  than  it  really  is.  A light  frame  of  poles  about 
8 or  9 feet  square  is  covered  with  a fine  mat  of  bamboo  laths 
closely  woven  together.  One  side  of  this  frame  is  hinged  to 
the  side  of  the  canoe  so  that  it  moves  freely.  The  two  upper 
corners  of  the  frame  have  ropes  attached  to  them.  The  two 

243 


ADDRESSING  THE  FISHERMAN 


fishermen  hold  the  frame  upright  while  a third  paddles  them 
into  mid-stream  ; then  the  frame  is  lowered  by  the  ropes  until 
the  top  end  is  12  or  14  inches  under  the  water,  and  the  canoe 
is  then  allowed  to  drift  with  the  current.  By  and  by  a fish 
swims  over  the  submerged  net,  and  the  men,  w ho  are  watching, 
pull  quickly  at  their  ropes,  up  comes  the  net,  and  down  tumbles 
the  fish  into  the  canoe. 

It  is  a curious  fact  that  one  tribe  never  imitates  another  in 
its  principal  mode  of  fishing.  I have  seen  an  Upper  River 
native  make  and  use  a cast  net  such  as  he  had  seen  the  Accra 
carpenters  use  ; but  I never  saw  a man  of  one  tribe  imitate  a 
man  of  a neighbouring  tribe  in  his  peculiar  mode  of  fishing. 
They  have  traps  common  to  all,  but  each  tribe  has  its  own 
principal  mode  peculiar  to  itself.  I have  twitted  a native  of 
Monsembe  about  not  following,  or  even  trying,  the  successful 
mode  of  fishing  pursued  by  the  Libinza  people,  and  he  has 
replied  : “ We  could  not  catch  fish  like  them  even  if  we  tried  ; 
that  is  their  way,  and  we  have  ours.” 

Fishermen  while  making  their  traps  {moleke)  are  prohibited 
from  all  intercourse  with  women,  and  this  prohibition  con- 
tinues until  the  trap  has  caught  some  fish  and  the  said  fish 
has  been  eaten,  otherwise  they  will  have  no  luck  in  fishing. 
This  abstinence  may  last  some  few  weeks,  or  only  a few  days. 
The  Boloki  folk  in  the  old  days  often  threw  old  men  or  w'omen 
into  the  river  to  appease  the  water-spirits  (mingoli),  that  they 
might  be  more  successful  in  fishing. 

While  a man  is  fishing,  and  immediately  on  his  return  from 
fishing,  he  is  called  mwele,  no  matter  who  he  may  be.  The 
river  is  supposed  to  be  full  of  spirits,  and  if  these  hear  the 
proper  names  of  the  fishermen  they  can  so  work  against  them 
that  they  will  catch  little  or  no  fish,  consequently  the  fisher- 
men desire  to  hide  their  identity  under  the  general  name  of 
mwele. 

Again,  when  a man  lands  with  his  fish  the  buyer  must  not 
address  him  by  his  proper  name,  but  as  mwele,  or  the  spirits 
will  hear  it,  and  either  mark  him  as  one  against  w'hom  they 

244 


FIRST-FRUITS 


will  exercise  their  influence  another  time,  or  they  will  im- 
poverish the  fish  just  caught,  so  that  the  man’s  chances  of  a 
good  price  will  be  lost.  Hence  the  fisherman  can  make  the 
person  who  breaks  this  rule  either  pay  him  heavy  damages,  or 
compel  him  to  sell  the  fish  in  the  village  at  a good  price  and 
thus  restore  his  luck. 

The  first-fruits  of  a lad’s  fishing  are  given  to  his  nearest 
relatives.  When  this  is  not  possible,  then  other  fish  are  given 
later  on.  Very  often  a share  of  the  first  catch  of  every  season 
is  similarly  given  to  the  parents  or  nearest  relatives.  A part 
of  the  fish  caught  is  given  to  the  head-man  of  the  town  to 
which  the  fisherman  belongs.  This  was  regarded  as  one  of 
the  perquisites  of  his  position,  and  the  non-observance  of 
custom  is  bitterly  resented. 


245 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


RELIGIOUS  BELIEFS 

Ideas  of  a Supreme  Being — His  various  names — Views  of  the  spirit  life — 
Fetishism — Medicine  men  and  spirits — Black  and  white  magic — Origin 
of  the  term  fetish — Native  crusade  against  fetishes — Bundle  of  charms — 
Its  contents — Sacrifices  to  fetishes — Rise  and  fall  of  witch-doctors — An 
attempt  to  define  fetishism — Natives  very  religious. 

WE  have  found  a vague  knowledge  of  a Supreme  Being, 
and  a belief  in  Him,  very  general  among  those 
tribes  on  the  Congo  with  whieh  we  have  come  into 
contact.  In  each  case  the  natives’  ideas  of  the  Supreme  Being 
were  gathered  and  noted  long  before  our  teaching  had  in- 
fluenced their  views  or  increased  their  knowledge  concerning  . 
Him.  Before  we  could  preach  our  views  we  had  to  learn  their 
language,  and  while  learning  their  language  we  necessarily 
received — in  the  definitions  of  the  words  we  were  learning 
from  them — their  ideas  of  that  great  Being  who  created  the 
world.  We  found  their  knowledge  of  Him  was  scarcely  more 
than  nominal,  and  no  worship  was  ever  paid  to  Him. 

On  the  Lower  Congo  He  is  called  Nzambi,  or  by  His  fuller 
title  Nzambi  a mpungu  ; no  satisfactory  root  word  has  yet 
been  found  for  Nzambi,  but  for  mpungu  there  are  sayings  and 
proverbs  that  clearly  indicate  its  meaning  as,  most  of  all, 
supreme,  highest,  and  Nzambi  a mpungu  as  the  Being  most 
High,  or  Supreme. 

On  the  Ujiper  Congo  among  the  Bobangi  folk  the  word  used 
for  the  Supreme  Being  is  Nyambe  ; among  the  Lulanga  people, 
Nzakomba  ; among  the  Boloki,  Njambe  ; among  the  Bopoto 

246 


HIS  VARIOUS  NAMES 


people  it  is  Lihanza,  which  word  is  also  well  known  among  the 
Boloki  people,  and  was  probably  introduced  by  slaves  from 
Bopoto.  At  Yakusu,  near  Stanley  Falls,  the  word  used  is 
Mungu,  which  is  a shortened  form  of  the  Swahili  word  muungu, 
and  this  may  contain  the  root  of  the  Lower  Congo  word 
mpungu.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  most  common  name 
for  the  Supreme  Being  on  the  Congo  is  also  known,  in  one 
form  or  another,  over  an  extensive  area  of  Africa  reaching 
from  6°  north  of  the  Equator  away  to  extreme  South  Africa ; 
as,  for  example,  among  the  Ashanti  it  is  Onyame,  at  Gaboon  it 
is  Anyamhie,  and  two  thousand  miles  away  among  the  Barotse 
folk  it  is  Niambe. 

These  are  the  names  that  stand  for  a Being  who  is  endowed 
with  strength,  wealth,  and  wisdom  by  the  natives ; and  He  is 
also  regarded  and  spoken  of  by  them  as  the  principal  Creator 
of  the  world,  and  the  Maker  of  all  things.  Some  think  Him 
so  perfect  in  all  His  works  that  semi-sane  people,  crooked 
sticks,  and  deformed  persons  and  animals  are  placed  to  the 
credit  of  a subordinate  divinity  — a demiurge  called 
Kombu. 

But  the  Supreme  Being  is  believed  by  the  natives  to  have 
withdrawn  Himself  to  a great  distance  after  performing  His 
creative  works  ; that  He  has  now  little  or  no  concern  in  mun- 
dane affairs ; and  apparently  no  power  over  spirits  and  no 
control  over  the  lives  of  men,  either  to  protect  them  from 
malignant  spirits  or  to  help  them  by  averting  danger.  They 
also  consider  the  Supreme  Being  (Nzambi)  as  being  so  good 
and  kind  that  there  is  no  need  to  appease  Him  by  rites,  cere- 
monies, or  sacrifices.  Hence  Ahey  never  pray  to  this  Supreme 
One,  they  never  worship  Him,  or  think  of  Him  as  being  in- 
terested in  the  doings  of  the  world  and  its  peoples. 

During  the  whole  thirty  years  of  my  life  in  various  parts 
of  the  Congo  I have  heard  the  name  of  the  Deity  used  in  the 
following  four  ways  only : Among  the  Lower  Congo  people, 
when  they  desire  to  emphasize  a statement  or  vouch  for  the 
truthfulness  of  their  words,  they  use  the  name  in  an  oath. 

247 


HIS  VARIOUS  NAMES 


When  in  extreme  trouble  they  cry  out : “ I wish  Nzambi  had 
never  made  me  ! ” or  when  in  great  distress : “ Nzambi,  pity 
me  ! ” Also  on  the  Lower  Congo  there  is  the  phrase  lufwa 
Ixm  Nzambi=de&th.  by  God,  i.e.  a natural  death  as  distinctive 
from  death  by  witchcraft ; but  this  view  of  death  is  not  so 
frequently  heard  on  the  Lower  Congo  as  among  the  Boloki 
people,  where  awi  na  Njambe^he  died  by  God,  i.e.  there  is 
no  witchcraft  about  the  death  of  the  deeeased,  nor  anything 
pointing  to  witcheraft  about  the  accident  that  caused  the 
death,  is  often  heard.  These  are  the  only  phrases  which 
suppose  that  the  Supreme  Being  has  anything  to  do  w'ith  the 
world.  They  are  generally  employed  in  the  case  of  poor  folk 
when  they  die,  as  no  one  wants  the  trouble  and  expense  of 
engaging  a witch-doctor  to  seek  out  the  witch. 

About  four  years  ago  I asked  a most  intelligent  native, 
whose  age  was  about  45,  if  he  could  recall  any  pra5'^er  that 
was  offered  to  the  Supreme  Being  (Nzambi)  by  his  family  or 
any  natives  before  the  coming  of  the  missionaries.  He  sat 
quietly  for  a few  minutes  and  then  answered : “ No,  but  a 
woman  in  great  distress  would  say,  ‘ Nzambi,  pity  me,’  not 
because  she  thought  she  would  receive  pity,  for  we  all  believed 
Nzambi  was  too  far  away  to  hear  us  or  think  of  us,  but  because 
it  was  a saying  amongst  us  for  such  times  of  distress.” 

Among  the  Lower  Congo  people  the  belief  exists  that  when 
there  is  a halo  round  the  moon  it  is  a sign  that  the  Supreme 
Being  is  there  confirming  the  residence  in  that  cool  place — 
hence  state  of  happiness  of  some  spirits  which  have  just  arrived  ; 
and  when  the  halo  is  round  the  sun,  then  those  who  have 
recently  lost  relatives  or  friends  by  death  will  tremble  and 
wail,  beeause  that  halo  round  the  sun  is  an  indication  to  them 
that  the  Supreme  Being  (Nzambi)  is  there  confirming  the 
punishment  that  has  consigned  the  late  departed  to  the  hot 
place — hence  state  of  unhappiness.  There  is  a proverb  that 
shows  the  lastingness  of  this  punishment:  “The  bad  people 
are  tortured  like  a locust  on  the  burning  grass  ; it  wants  to 
die,  but  is  kept  alive.”  These  comprise  the  only  ideas  concerning 

248 


VIEWS  OF  THE  SPIRIT  LIFE 

the  Supreme  Being  that  I have  ever  heard  expressed,  either  on 
the  Lower  Congo  or  among  the  Boloki  natives. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a seeming  contradiction  of  the 
moon  and  sun  theory,  as  stated  in  the  preceding  paragraph, 
by  another  belief  extant  among  the  Lower  Congo  people,  viz. 
that  all  the  souls  of  the  departed  go  to  a great  spirit-town  in 
the  forest,  and  that  is  the  reason  why  burials  take  place  at 
sunset.  The  natives  argue  thus  : During  the  day  folk  go  to 
farms,  to  market,  to  Avork  in  the  forests,  etc.,  and  the  town  is 
left  empty  ; in  the  evening  the  inhabitants  have  returned 
from  their  different  occupations,  and  are  ready  to  accord  a 
welcome  to  any  visitor ; thus  also  the  spirit-town  : all  the 
spirits  are  away  at  their  different  employments  and  do  not 
return  until  the  evening,  and  if  the  deceased  were  buried 
during  the  morning  or  early  afternoon  there  would  be  no  one 
in  the  town  to  welcome  him.  These  differing  beliefs  appear 
to  be  co-existent,  and  the  natives,  if  they  perceive  their  in- 
consistency, have  not  offered  any  explanation.  I once  pointed 
out  the  contradictory  nature  of  these  beliefs  to  a smart  native 
Avith  whom  I was  conversing  on  the  subject,  and  his  reply  was : 
“ Some  believe  one  thing,  some  believe  the  other,  and  some 
people  believe  both.” 

Among  the  Boloki  people  there  is  a general  and  firm  belief 
in  a spirit-Avorld,  or  nether  region  (called  longa).  It  is  supposed 
to  be  someAvhere  doAvn  beloAv.  From  many  natives  I have 
received  the  same  direetion,  always  accompanied  by  the  same 
action  and  Avords,  viz.  they  have  pointed  Avith  their  fingers 
to  the  ground,  saying,  “ It  is  down  underneath  there.”  In  the 
nether  regions  the  conditions  of  existence  appear  to  be  similar 
to  those  in  the  villages  and  toAvn,  Avith  this  exception,  that  a 
man  may  be  too  high  in  the  social  scale  to  be  punished  on 
earth,  but  he  cannot  escape  punishment  in  the  nether  regions 
for  the  disagreeable  qualities  he  has  exhibited  on  earth.  Within 
a feAV  hours  of  an  unpopular  head-man’s  death,  I have  heard 
the  ordinary  natives  laughingly  say  to  one  another  as  they 
have  snapped  their  fingers  in  glee;  “He  is  being  punished 

249 


VIEWS  OF  THE  SPIRIT  LIFE 

r 

now.”  Who  allotted  the  punishment  and  saw  to  its'  inflietion 
I could  never  ascertain.  Juries  of  head-men  on  earth  sat  to 
decide  difficult  cases  ; and  it  may  be  that  they  thought  juries 
in  the  nether  region  sat  on  cases  and  allotted  the  necessary 
punishment. 

The  firing  of  guns,  shouting,  wailing,  beating  of  drums  and 
such  noises  are  heard  in  the  nether  regions,  and  give  notice  to 
the  inhabitants  there  of  the  approach  of  another  disembodied 
spirit.  The  louder  the  noise  the  greater  is  the  expectation  of 
those  in  the  spirit-land  of  seeing  a great  man  arrive.  The 
spirits  of  the  departed  wait  about  the  entrance  to  the  nether 
regions  to  greet  the  one  about  whose  departure  for  their 
abode  so  much  fuss  is  being  made. 

The  soul  of  a living  person  is  called  elimo,  but  on  the  person’s 
death  his  soul  becomes  a disembodied  spirit  named  mongoli  ; 
and  the  Boloki  spirits  after  sojourning  for  a time  in  the  nether 
regions  leave  that  place  and  wander  about  the  rivers  and 
creeks,  doing  all  the  harm  they  can  to  the  living  by  flooding 
their  villages  and  keeping  the  fish  from  entering  the  nets  and 
traps.  The  spirits  of  the  Bomuna  people,  and  of  the  bush 
people  generally,  are  supposed  to  roam  about  the  forests,  turn- 
ing the  animals  from  the  traps  and  nets  set  to  snare  them, 
not  to  save  them  from  death,  but  to  show  their  hatred  of  the 
folk  living  in  the  towns. 

Are  these  disembodied  spirits  turned  out  of  the  spirit-land 
as  a punishment  ? Natives  believe  that  the  spirits  of  bad  men 
are  punished  in  the  nether  region — by  bad  they  mean  a dis- 
agreeable, unsociable,  disobliging,  greedy,  rude,  discourteous 
person.  The  ghost  of  such  a one  will  return  to  trouble  his 
whilom  neighbours,  and  it  is  against  his  disagreeable  qualities 
as  a man  that  they  have  to  guard  now  that  he  is  a spirit.  There 
are  many  stories  about  the  doings  of  the  disembodied  spirits 
— their  tricks  and  their  mode  of  revenge — which  will  be  related 
in  subsequent  chapters.  The  foregoing  paragraphs  give,  I 
trust,  a clear  statement  of  the  natives’  ideas  of  the  Supreme 
Being  and  their  views  of  existence  after  death,  so  far  as  I 

250 


FETISHISM 


have  been  able  to  collect  their  thoughts  and  beliefs  during  a 
long  and  intimate  intercourse  with  the  people. 

We  now  come  to  a larger  subject — larger  beeause  it  holds  a 
more  important  place  in  the  life  and  thought  of  the  native — 
I refer  to  fetishism.  If  fetishism  is  a form  of  religion,  then  the 
Boloki  people,  like  all  other  tribes  on  the  Congo,  are  a very- 
religious  folk.  In  obedience  to  fetish  taboo  and  custom  they 
exhibit  a devotion  and  persistency  worthy  of  a better  cause  ; 
in  subjection  to  the  demands  of  their  witch-doctors  they  cut 
themselves,  deny  themselves  many  kinds  of  pleasant  food, 
and  pay  heavy  fees,  even  to  the  impoverishment  of  themselves 
and  families.  But  all  this  is  done  through  their  abject 
fear  of  the  various  malignant  spirits  who,  so  their  medicine 
men  inform  them,  have  power  over  them  for  the  time  being. 
It  may  be  one  spirit  to-day  and  an  entirely  different  one  next 
month,  according  to  the  sickness,  misfortune,  or  particular 
kind  of  bad  luck  from  which  the  man  is  suffering ; or  a man 
may  for  twenty  years  possess  good  health  and  good  fortune, 
and  consequently  he  will  need  neither  the  medicine  man  nor 
his  rites  and  ceremonies  ; or  it  may  be  that  a man  thinks 
“ prevention  is  better  than  cure,”  and  in  such  a case  he  will 
fee  the  medicine  men  to  appease  on  his  behalf  such  evil  spirits 
over  whom  they  profess  to  exercise  control,  or  to  prepare  for 
him  certain  charms  to  destroy  their  wicked  designs. 

No  single  witch-doctor  pretends  to  control  all  the  evil 
spirits,  or  confer  immunity  from  all  diseases,  or  remove  all 
misfortunes,  or  impart  every  kind  of  good  luck.  Hence  on 
the  Lower  Congo  there  are  about  fifty  different  kinds  of  medi- 
cine men,i  and  among  the  Boloki  some  eighteen  varieties  of 
them,  each  supreme  in  his  own  particular  branch.  The  order 
is  not  confined  to  men  only,  for  many  women  are  to  be  found 
in  its  ranks.  Some  medicine  men  are  supposed  to  be  stronger 
than  others,  and,  controlling  more  powerful  spirits,  they 
either  avert  greater  evils  or  confer  larger  benefits,  and  con- 

* See  Folk  Lore  for  Dec.  31st,  1910,  p.  447,  for  a complete  list  of  Lower 
Congo  medicine  men  and  their  various  functions  written  by  the  author. 

251 


BLACK  AND  WHITE  MAGIC 

sequently  receive  more  respect  and  richer  fees  for  their 
services. 

It  is  a misrejDresentation  to  depict  the  Congo  native  as 
“ bowing  down  to  wood  and  stone.”  He  never  worships  his 
fetishes  ; he  exhorts  them  to  do  his  bidding ; he  commands 
them  to  do  that  for  which  they  were  made,  and  he  is  not 
backward  in  arousing  them  to  alertness  by  whistles  and 
explosions  of  gunpowder,  or  to  activity  by  whacking  them  with 
a stick. 

No  native  of  any  tribe  I have  met  ever  assigned  creative 
powers  to  his  fetishes,  or  respected  them  as  the  representatives 
of  a deity.  The  fetishes  were  made  yesterday  at  his  bidding 
and  expense  by  the  witch-doctor,  and  to-morrow,  if  they  fail 
in  their  purpose,  they  will  be  consigned  to  the  rubbish  heap, 
or  left  neglected  on  some  shelf  in  his  house.  The  native  lives 
and  moves,  so  he  believes,  surrounded  by  evil  spirits  which, 
on  account  of  their  own  malignant  natures  or  at  the  instigation 
of  his  enemies,  are  constantly  trying  to  work  him  harm,  and 
the  only  means  known  to  him  of  counteracting  the  evil,  or  of 
appeasing  the  malignant  power,  is  the  medicine  man  \vith 
his  powerful  fetishes,  charms,  and  ceremonies. 

There  are  two  phrases  that  contain  the  whole  theory  and 
practice  of  the  Congo  medicine  man’s  black  and  white  magic. 
By  the  black  magic  he  professes  to  incite  an  evil  spirit  by  means 
of  a fetish  to  inflict  a sickness  or  some  other  misfortune  on  an 
enemy  ; and  by  white  magic,  to  appease  the  evil  spirit  through 
the  medium  of  the  fetish,  so  that  the  sickness  or  bad  luck  shall 
be  removed  from  one’s  self  or  one’s  family  and  friends.  The 
same  medicine  man  uses  the  same  fetish  to  curse  a man  with 
disease,  or  to  cure  the  man  so  cursed,  hence  he  often  draws 
fees  from  both  parties. 

To  curse  a person  by  the  aid  of  a fetish  is  called  loka  e nkisi. 
The  fetish  is  beaten  with  a stick,  informed  what  it  is  to  do, 
and  then  hung  up  outside  the  invoker’s  house,  and  the  spirit 
of  the  fetish  flies  off  to  obey  its  orders.  This  is  the  simple 
modus  operandi  followed  by  all  the  witch-doctors  on  the  Lower 

252 


BLACK  AND  WHITE  MAGIC 


Congo,  who  invoke  their  fetishes  to  employ  their  various 
powers  against  the  enemies  of  their  clients. 

To  soothe  and  appease  the  spirit  of  the  fetish  so  that  it  will 
remove  the  curse  from  working  by  so  conciliating  the  fetish 
power,  or  the  spirit  the  fetish  is  supposed  to  control,  that  it 
will  work  for  the  medicine  man’s  client  and  not  against  him, 
is  called  lembola  e nkisi  ( = to  soften,  tame  a fetish),  and  the 
ceremony  is  as  varied  as  there  are  medicine  men,  for  each  branch 
of  the  profession  has  its  own  special  rites  to  observ’e. 

Now  fetishes  on  the  Lower  Congo  are  either  images,  bundles, 
or  large  horns,  and  these  as  a rule  are  owned  by  the  medieine 
men.  Smaller  fetishes  and  charms  are  made  by  them  for 
various  purposes  and  sold  to  the  natives.  Sometimes  a wealthy 
man  will  buy  a powerful  fetish  and  use  its  power  entirely  for 
himself  ; at  times  a poorer  man  will  pay  a good  fee  to  a medicine 
man  to  borrow  his  fetish,  or  the  rich  man’s  fetish  for  one  or 
two  days,  so  that  he  may  have  the  entire  attention  of  the  spirit 
it  controls.  A rich  man  will  sometimes  buy  a powerful  fetish 
as  a speculation,  and  make  a good  profit  by  hiring  it  out  for  a 
fee,  and  the  poorer  man  will  pay  the  fee,  hoping  to  reap  good 
results  to  his  bodily  health  or  to  his  prosperity  by  having 
the  undivided  interest  of  the  fetish  at  his  service. 

The  term  fetish  comes  from  the  Portuguese  word  feitifo, 
and  the  early  navigators  of  the  West  African  Coast  were  Portu- 
guese, who  carried  with  them  amulets  and  charms,  i.e.  feiti^os, 
in  the  form  of  crosses,  beads,  images,  etc.,  that  had  been 
blessed  by  their  priests.  And  when  these  ancient  navigators 
saw  the  natives  wearing  shells  filled  with  some  mixture,  or 
displaying  on  their  persons  some  artieles  wth  which  they  were 
unwilling  to  part  even  for  costly  gifts,  what  was  more  natural 
for  them  than  to  regard  such  objects  as  something  akin  to 
their  own  feitifos  ? And  “ as  they  discovered  no  other  traces 
of  religious  worship  they  concluded  that  this  outward  show 
of  regard  for  these  feiti^os  constituted  the  whole  of  the 
negro  worship.”  i 

* I am  indebted  to  F.  Max  Muller  for  much  in  this  paragraph.  See 
Hihhert  Lectures,  p.  Cl.  1878.  25*1 


NATIVE  CRUSADE  AGAINST  FETISHES 

The  native  word  on  the  Lower  Congo  for  fetish  (nkisi),  and 
among  the  Boloki  {honganga),  means  an  image,  a horn,  a shell, 
a saucepan,  etc.,  and,  in  fact,  anything  into  which  a medicine 
man  has  put  a part  of  his  “ medicine  ” from  his  store  bundle  ; 
and  it  is  not  an  effective  fetish  until  it  has  been  through  the 
hands  of  the  medicine  man  and  received  its  power  from  him. 
No  one  witch-doctor  makes  all  the  fetishes,  but  every  one  has 
his  own  speciality,  in  the  making  of  which  he  is  accounted  an 
expert. 

On  the  Lower  Congo  the  native  offers  periodic  sacrifices  to 
his  fetish  to  keep  it  in  a good  humour,  otherwise  through 
sulkiness  it  may  refuse  to  help  him  ; or  he  returns  it  to  a medi- 
cine man  to  renew  its  energies  when  it  proves  too  weak  for  his 
purpose ; he  explodes  gunpowder  around  it  to  arouse  it  to 
proper  alertness  that  it  may  attend  to  its  owner’s  affairs  ; or 
he  beats  it  to  make  it  subservient  to  his  wishes,  but  he  never 
worships  it,  nor  does  he  ever  pay  homage  to  it.  Among  the 
Boloki  sugar-cane  wine  is  poured  over  the  fetish  to  render  it 
amenable  to  its  owner’s  wishes,  and  it  is  threatened  if  it  does 
not  act  quickly  on  its  owner’s  behalf ; and  while  the  Boloki 
fears  his  fetish  in  a way,  yet  he  never  worships  it. 

“ About  1872  some  natives  of  Loanda  came  through  the 
country  preaching  a crusade  against  fetishes  of  all  kinds, 
inducing  the  natives  in  town  after  town  to  destroy  all  their 
fetishes,  assuring  them  that  since  death  and  sickness  came 
by  the  exercise  of  the  black  art,  which  everyone  fully  believes, 
if  then  every  fetish  were  destroyed  and  no  more  made  there 
would  be  no  more  suffering  and  death.  Far  and  wide  the  most 
strenuous  efforts  were  made  to  accomplish  the  destruction  of 
all  fetishes  to  that  happy  end.”  ^ In  1909  a man  with  whom  I 
was  conversing  told  me  that  he  as  a child  was  shaken  over 
the  fire  during  this  campaign  to  destroy  any  fetishes  he  had 
about  his  person.  He  well  remembered  this  crusade  against 
fetishes,  and  said  that  when  the  people  became  ill  and  died 

' See  Dr.  Bentley’s  Appendix  to  the  Dictionary  and  Qrammar  of  the 
Congo  Luni/uaye,  1895,  on  p.  849,  under  the  word  Kiyoka. 

254 


BUNDLE  OF  CHARMS 


as  usual,  the  originators  of  it  said : “ It  is  because  some  of  the 
people  have  not  destroyed  all  their  fetishes.” 

On  the  Lower  Congo  every  witch-doctor  has  a bundle  of 
medicines  or  charms  (called  ebunda  dia  mfula)  which  is  the 
source  of  his  power  and  the  spring  from  which  he  draws  his 
supplies  for  making  his  own  great  fetish,  and  the  charms, 
amulets,  and  minor  fetishes  for  his  clients.  This  bundle  is  a 
conglomeration  of  powdered  chalk,  crushed  red  pepper,  wood 
ashes,  bits  of  the  skins  of  strong  animals,  claws  and  beaks  of 
strong  birds,  heads  of  snakes,  poisonous  plants  and  beans, 
various  herbs,  and  any  other  mess  the  medicine  man  can  collect 
together.  A portion  of  this  bundle  is  put  into  the  head  of  the 
fetish  image  (and  sometimes  into  the  stomach),  and  becomes 
the  brains,  intelligence  (nkinda)  of  the  fetish. 

When  a medicine  man  uses  his  fetish  on  behalf  of  a client, 
he  takes  a little  of  the  bundle  and  puts  it  into  a horn  or  shell 
and  ties  it  round  his  patient’s  neck,  telling  him  that  while 
wearing  it  he  must  not  eat  this  or  that  article  of  diet,  or  he 
must  not  do  certain  things.  In  due  time  the  medicine  man 
goes  to  receive  his  fee,  and  on  receipt  of  it  he  removes  the 
special  charm  from  the  neck  of  his  patient,  and  at  the  same 
time  takes  off  the  taboo.  If  the  person  does  not  pay,  then  the 
medicine  man  leaves  him  under  the  taboo,  and  perhaps  adds 
others.  The  Congo  medicine  man  never  has  any  bad  debts. 

No  native  thinks  the  fetish  he  uses  is  possessed  of  divine 
power,  nor  does  it  represent  a deity  to  him,  and  he  uses  no 
language  about  it  that  would  lead  one  to  suppose  that  for  a 
moment  he  in  his  own  mind  invests  it  with  divinity.  What 
is  the  fetish  to  him  ? It  is  something  in  which  a portion  of  the 
mfula  bundle  has  been  put  which  has  imparted  to  it  its  own 
mysterious  power — to  him  any  portion  of  the  bundle  contains 
the  power  of  the  whole. 

What  then  is  the  bundle  ? It  is  composed  of  the  skins  of 
strong  animals  which  are  thereby  represented,  and  their 
combined  strength  is  conserved  in  it ; there  are  pieces  of  the 
skins  of  cunning  animals,  and  their  united  craftiness  and 

255 


ITS  CONTENTS 


cuteness  are  imparted  to  it ; there  are  portions  of  strong, 
swift  birds  that  sail  on  tireless  wings  through  the  air,  and  they 
give  to  it  their  power  of  flight ; there  are  various  poisonous 
plants  and  beans  that  lend  their  qualities  of  harming  the  human 
body  when  used  against  the  enemy  of  a client ; there  are 
beneficial  herbs  and  powders  that  are  supposed  to  cure  the 
person  who  uses  it  for  his  recovery  from  a disease  ; and  there 
is  generally  powdered  chalk,  symbolical  of  brain  matter,  that 
gives  intelligence  to  the  whole  mass,  I do  not  think  the  native 
mind  goes  farther  back  than  the  bundle,  which  contains  for  him 
representations  of  all  those  qualities  that  he  fears  and  admires, 
and  whose  combined  forces  overawe  him.  And  should  he  go 
beyond  that  bundle  it  is  only  to  the  animals — the  lion,  the 
leopard,  etc.,  whom  he  fears ; the  eagle,  the  hawk,  and  the 
falcon  whom  he  admires  and  wonders  at  for  their  flight  through 
space  ; and  to  those  plants  and  herbs  whose  mysterious  powers 
he  dreads. 

The  native  supposes  that  the  medicine  men  have  some 
occult  method  of  so  mixing  these  qualities  and  forces  together 
in  the  bundle  that  they  become  active  agents  in  flying  through 
the  air  and  seeking  out  the  enemies  of  their  clients,  or  of 
destroying  those  who  are  bewitching  them,  or  of  curing  those 
who  seek  their  aid.  All  the  medicine  men  do  not  have  all  the 
skins,  powders,  herbs,  etc.,  in  their  charm  bundles,  but  each 
procures  what  he  thinks  will  make  the  desired  combination 
for  his  purpose.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  medicine  men 
and  the  more  intelligent  natives  believe  that  by  mixing  the 
skins,  plants,  chalk,  etc.,  in  different  ways  they  induce  different 
spirits  to  take  up  their  abode  in  the  various  fetishes,  because 
they  like  the  mixture  prepared  for  them,  and  in  thus  taking 
up  their  residence  in  them,  or  being  influenced  by  them,  the 
medicine  men  gain  power  over  them. 

This  view  is  supported  by  the  following  considerations  : 
The  fetish  when  first  made  is  only  a piece  of  wood  and  can  be 
bought  for  a few  pence  ; but  after  the  witch-doctor  has  put 
a portion  of  the  charm  bundle  into  it  the  price  for  it  is  con- 

250 


SACRIFICES  TO  FETISHES 


siderable — from  a few  shillings  to  a few  pounds — aceording 
to  what  it  is  expeeted  to  do.  Sacrifices  are  offered,  not  to  the 
piece  of  wood,  hut  to  the  spirit  now  dwelling  in  it,  or  over 
which  the  charms  in  it  have  some  influence.  These  sacrifices 
range  from  an  occasional  drop  of  hlood  from  a frog’s  foot  to  a 
goat  every  new  moon,  the  hlood  of  which  is  poured  over  the 
fetish,  and  the  flesh  of  the  sacrificial  goat  must  not  he  sold, 
hut  eaten  hy  the  sacrificer  and  his  family  and  friends — the 
larger  the  benefits  expected,  the  more  costly  and  regular  the 
sacrifice.  The  sacrifices  are  to  keep  the  spirits  in  good-humour. 
The  portion  of  the  bundle  put  into  the  fetish  is  after  a time 
played  out,  becomes  stale,  and  loses  its  power  of  attracting  the 
spirit  to  it,  i.e.  the  fetish  becomes  ineffective,  so  the  owner  of 
it  takes  it  to  a medicine  man  to  have  it  refreshed  by  renewing 
the  charms  from  the  bundle  ; and  then  if  it  is  still  inactive, 
i.e.,  if  the  owner’s  luck  is  still  bad,  or  his  health  continues 
unsatisfactory,  he  throws  the  fetish  on  one  side  and  tries  the 
fetish  of  another  branch  of  the  profession,  thinking  that  the 
former’s  mixture  of  ingredients  has  no  further  power  to  attract 
the  spirit  to  his  fetish,  or  the  fetish  does  not  influence  the 
particular  spirit  that  is  able  to  help  him. 

The  Boloki  medicine  men  have  a “ bag  of  tricks  ” made 
of  very  similar  ingredients  to  the  charm  bundle,  and  regarded 
in  much  the  same  way.  The  only  difference  being  that  on 
the  Lower  Congo  the  witch-doctors  largely  use  images  (called 
teke^)  into  which  they  put  the  portions  of  the  bundle,  while 
among  the  Boloki  the  fetish  power  is  imparted  to  any  article 
that  comes  conveniently  to  hand.  During  fifteen  years’  resi- 
dence among  the  Boloki  people  I saw  only  two  very  crudely 
made  images  in  use  (they  are  now  in  Horniman’s  Museum), 
and  those  I bought  easily  for  a few  brass  rods,  showing  that 
they  valued  them  very  lightly  as  receptacles  for  fetish  power. 

' The  Kiteke  people  are  experts  in  carving  figures  of  men  and  women, 
and  many  of  the  images  so  frequently  found  years  ago  on  the  Lower  Congo 
received  the  name  teke  for  that  reason.  The  Bakongo  also  make  their  own 
images,  but  they  are  cruder  than  the  Kiteke  ones. 

257 


R 


RISE  AND  FALL  OF  WITCH-DOCTORS 


As  already  stated,  there  are  nearly  fifty  different  kinds  of 
medicine  men  on  the  Lower  Congo,  and  about  eighteen  among 
the  Boloki.  It  is  not  to  be  thought  for  a moment  that  all  these 
medicine  men  sprang  simultaneously  into  existence,  or  that 
they  are  the  product  of  only  one  tribe  ; they  are  undoubtedly 
the  evolution  of  many  generations,  and  a free  appropriation 
from  neighbouring  tribes  of  fetish  ceremonies,  etc.,  that 
appealed  to  them  through  being  made  widely  known  by  some 
famous  medicine  man  of  the  time.  The  Congo  native  has 
always  been  ready  to  try  a new  fetish,  hoping  thereby  to  gain 
some  advantage  to  his  fortune  and  health. 

The  following  is  probably  the  rise  of  many  branches  of  the 
medicine  man’s  profession  now,  or  recently,  in  vogue  : A 
quick-witted,  observant  man  noticed  that  a certain  herb,  or 
a certain  mode  of  procedure,  such  as  massage  or  inducing 
perspiration  by  steaming,  was  beneficial  to  a patient  suffering 
from  a certain  disease.  If  he  had  given  the  herb  in  a simple 
way  without  any  hanky-panky,  or  had  done  a little  medical 
rubbing  without  any  ceremonies,  or  had  given  a vapour  bath 
without  ostentatious  and  mysterious  rites,  the  natives  would 
not  have  regarded  him  as  a hona  fide  medicine  man,  and  he  would 
have  procured  very  little  business.  In  order  to  protect  his 
discovery  and  to  draw  patients  he  surrounded  it  with  the  hocus- 
pocus  of  fetish  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  thus  started  a new 
class  of  “ doctors  ” that  had  its  day.  It  is  more  than  probable 
that  many  medicine  men  and  their  fetishes  have  risen  in  power, 
have  had  wide  fame  and  much  popular  support,  have  then 
fallen  into  disrepute  and  have  been  abandoned  in  favour  of 
new  ones  ; and,  if  the  truth  were  known,  as  many  if  not  more 
kinds  of  medicine  men  have  been  forgotten  than  are  now 
remembered. 

The  following  is  an  account  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  one  fetish 
order  in  very  recent  years  : A few  years  ago  a medicine  man 
appeared  in  Portuguese  Congo  with  a new  fetish  called  nkisi 
a kiniambe=the  divine  fetish.  The  witch-doctor  and  his  fetish 
■with  its  high-sounding  name  visited  all  the  towns  round  about 

258 


AN  ATTEMPT  TO  DEFINE  FETISHISM 


San  Salvador.  The  ceremony  was  a form  of  communion 
prepared  with  small  slices  of  cassava,  pea  nuts,  and  palm  wine. 
The  recipient  had  first  to  pay  one  string  of  beads  for  a child 
and  five  strings  for  an  adult,  and  he  or  she  confessed  all  their 
witchcraft  palavers,  i.e.  all  the  evdl  desires  they  had  in  their 
hearts,  for  the  sickness  or  death  of  anyone.  After  this  confes- 
sion the  medicine  man  gave  them  a piece  of  cassava,  a pea  nut, 
and  drop  of  palm  wine,  and  he  also  gave  them  a promise  that 
they  should  never  die.  When,  however,  the  recipients  died 
the  witch-doctor  said  it  was  because  they  had  not  made  a 
full  confession  of  their  witchcraft.  He  and  his  accomplices 
reaped  a large  sum  of  money  from  the  natives’  fear  of  death 
and  the  promise  of  immunity  from  it ; but  the  medicine  man 
promised  too  much,  and  consequently  his  fetish  was  soon  in 
disrepute  and  quickly  neglected. 

While  we  find  a dim  knowledge  of  a Supreme  Being  among 
all  the  Congo  tribes,  we  also  find  co-extensive  with  it  an 
elaborate  system  of  fetishism,  which  I would  define  as  those 
means  employed  by  the  Congo  natives  for  influencing  the 
various  spirits  by  which  they  believe  themselves  to  be  sur- 
rounded, either  to  act  on  their  own  behalf  by  giving  them  good 
luck  and  good  health,  or  to  act  against  their  enemies  by  sending 
them  misfortune,  sickness,  or  death.  Their  system  of  belief 
has  its  basis  in  their  fear  of  those  numerous  invisible  spirits — 
invisible  to  the  ordinary  man,  but  not  to  the  medicine  man — 
which  are  constantly  trying  to  compass  their  sickness,  mis- 
fortune, and  death  ; and  the  Boloki’s  sole  object — and  the  same 
may  be  written  of  his  near  and  distant  neighbours  on  the 
Congo — is  to  cajole  or  appease,  to  cheat  or  conquer,  and  even 
destroy  the  troublesome  spirits,  hence  their  witch-doctors 
with  their  fetishes,  their  rites,  and  ceremonies.  If  there  were 
no  spirits  to  be  circumvented  there  would  be  no  need  of  medi- 
cine men  as  middlemen,  and  no  need  of  fetishes  as  mediums 
for  getting  into  touch  with  the  spirits. 

Theologically  speaking,  the  Congo  natives  are  utterly^void 
of  religion,  for  they  neither  worship  the  Supreme  Being  nor 

259 


NATIVES  VERY  RELIGIOUS 

their  fetishes  as  representing  a deity ; but  if  “ the  belief  in 
and  a measure  of  obedience  to  a potent  being  or  beings  not 
ourselves  is  an  early  minimum  of  religion,”  i then  the  Congo 
folk  are  very  religious,  for  they  carefully  obey  the  taboos  put 
on  them  by  their  witeh-doetors  in  the  name  of  their  fetishes  ; 
they  invoke  the  power  of  the  spirits  by  exploding  gunpowder 
around  their  fetishes,  and  by  whistling  to  them  and  beating 
them  ; they  try  to  appease  them  by  frequent  sacrifices  ; and 
they  have  dances  about  some  of  the  fetishes,  during  which 
they  call  upon  them,  or  the  spirits  they  influence,  to  protect 
their  fighting-men  and  destroy  their  enemies, 

* See  Mr.  Andrew  Lang  in  Folk  Lore  for  December,  19H,  p.  412. 


2C0 


CHAPTER  XIX 


THE  BOLOKl  WORLD  OF  SPIRITS 


Surrounded  by  spirits — The  soul  leaves  the  body — Dreams — Be\vitching 
folk — Losing  one’s  shadow — Disembodied  spirits  or  ghosts — Ghosts  enter 
animals — Deceiving  the  ghosts — Spirits  of  disease — Spirit  of  wealth — 
Spirits  of  crocodiles— Leopards — Spirits  of  unborn  babes — Monsters  on 
the  islands — Forest  sprites — Cloud-land  folk — Spirits  in  spears — In 
canoes— In  trees. 


HE  Boloki  folk  believe  they  are  surrounded  by  spirits 


which  try  to  thwart  them  at  every  twist  and  turn, 


and  to  harm  them  every  hour  of  the  day  and  night. 
The  rivers  and  ereeks  are  erowded  with  the  spirits  of  their 
ancestors,  and  the  forests  and  bush  are  full  also  of  spirits,  ever 
seeking  to  injure  the  living  who  are  overtaken  by  night  when 
travelling  by  road  or  canoe.  I never  met  among  them  a man 
daring  enough  to  go  at  night  through  the  forest  that  divided 
Monsembe  from  the  upper  villages,  even  though  a large^reward 
was  offered.  Their  invariable  reply  was  : “ There  are  too 
many  spirits  in  the  bush  and  forest.” 

In  the  following  pages  I shall  attempt  to  give,  as  succinctly 
as  possible,  an  account  of  the  various  spirits  that  trouble  the 
Boloki  world,  their  powers  and  their  limitations.  The  informa- 
tion has  been  gathered  from  various  natives  in  conversation 
around  their  fires,  or  from  talks  when  travelling  with  them  by 
canoe  and  boat ; and  may  be  accepted  as  reflecting  the  native 
opinion  respecting  those  spirits  by  which  they  suppose  them- 
selves to  be  surrounded. 

The  embodied  spirit  or  soul  {elimo)  is  dreaded  almost  as  much 
as  the  other  spirits.  In  dreams  the  soul  visits  various  scenes, 
and  no  matter  how  quickly  the  dreamer  is  aroused  the  soul 


261 


DREAMS 


can  always  return  in  time  to  take  its  place  in  the  awakened 
person.  With  regard  to  dreams,  some  of  the  natives  believe 
in  them,  and  bad  dreams  are  often  accepted  as  omens  to  warn 
them  against  going  on  journeys,  and  fishing  and  hunting 
expeditions  that  would  be  either  fruitless  or  disastrous. 

When  a person  faints,  or  becomes  unconscious,  massage  with 
water  is  used,  and  on  the  patient  reviving  it  is  said  that  the 
soul  has  returned.  The  soul  travels  about  to  bewitch  people, 
and  some  of  their  charms  are  made  on  purpose  to  destroy  such 
wandering  spirits.  These  wicked  souls  travelling  about  with 
such  sinister  motives  are  regarded  as  witches  worthy  only  of 
death,  and  some  of  their  witch-doctors  reap  a rich  harvest  in  try- 
ing to  kill  them.  A seriously  sick  person  fancies  he  sees  a rela- 
tive or  neighbour  in  a dream,  and  at  once  believes  that  the  witch- 
soul  of  his  relative  has  come  to  throttle  the  life  out  of  him,  so  he 
pays  a witch-doctor  a goodly  fee  to  kill  the  prowling  spirit,  or 
proteet  him  from  its  malignant  assaults. 

I noticed  that  the  mouths  and  nostrils  of  the  recently  dead 
were  always  plugged  and  tied,  and  to  my  questions  on  the 
subject  I always  received  the  same  reply  ; “ The  soul  of  a 
dying  man  escapes  by  his  mouth  and  nose,  so  we  always  tie 
them  in  that  fashion  to  keep  the  spirit,  as  long  as  possible,  in 
the  body.” 

The  shadow  of  a person,  his  reflection  in  water,  or  in  a look- 
ing-glass, and  more  recently  a photograph,  is  called  by  a word 
(elilingi)  that  is  often  used  interchangeably  with  the  word 
for  soul  {elimo).  They  repeatedly  informed  me  that  a “ dead 
person  casts  no  shadow,”  and  that  therefore  he  has  no  soul,  hence 
to  say  that  So-and-so  has  no  shadow  is,  with  them,  equivalent 
to  saying  that  he  has  no  soul,  i.e.  that  he  is  dead.  These  two 
words  were  frequently  employed  when  speaking  of  the  soul, 
and  also  of  the  shadow  of  a person  ; but  the  word  for  soul 
{elimo)  is  never  used  for  the  shadow  of  a tree,  house,  animal, 
etc.,  but  they  speak  of  a fallen  house  or  a fallen  tree  as  having 
no  shadow,  i.e.  they  cast  no  shadows — a sign  that  they  are 
dead. 


262 


DISEMBODIED  SPIRITS  OR  GHOSTS 

If  for  some  reason  a man  does  not  see  his  shadow  refleeted 
when  he  looks  into  some  water,  he  thinks  someone  has  taken 
his  spirit  away,  and  that  he  will  soon  die.  Even  if  at  midday 
he  does  not  see  his  shadow,  beeause  he  is  standing  on  it — the 
sun  being  absolutely  vertieal  at  noon  so  near  the  Equator — he 
will  go  to  a witeh-doctor,  who  will  make  medicine  that  he  may 
recover  his  shadow  or  soul,  I once  asked  a chief  to  sit  for  his 
photograph  a second  time,  and  he  laughingly  refused,  on  the 
ground  that  I had  sent  his  soul  once  to  the  white  man’s  country, 
and  he  could  not  let  me  have  it  again.  And  it  was  a consider- 
able time  before  he  consented  to  sit  again. 

The  most  troublesome  spirit,  however,  with  which  the  native 
has  to  contend  is  the  disembodied  spirit  {mongoU).  Directly  the 
soul  {elimo)  leaves  the  body  it  becomes  a disembodied  spirit 
(a  mongoli),  and  this  distinction  should  be  carefully  borne  in 
mind. 

It  is  generally  believed  that  the  disembodied  spirit  of  a good 
man — good  according  to  the  native  code  of  morals — remains  in 
the  nether  world  {longa) ; but  that  of  a bad  man  is  punished 
in  the  nether  regions  and  driven  out.  Then  if  the  spirit 
belongs  to  a member  of  a bush-tribe  (or  to  one  whose  family 
originally  came  from  the  bush),  it  will  inhabit  the  forests  or 
bush-lands,  and  unless  properly  appeased  by  gifts  or  conquered 
by  charms  it  will  turn  aside  animals  from  the  hunting-traps 
and  try  to  spoil  all  hunting  operations.  If  the  spirit  belongs 
to  a member  of  a riverine  tribe,  then,  after  being  turned  out  of 
the  nether  world,  it  haunts  the  river  and  creeks  and  endeavours 
to  hinder  successful  fishing.  Hence  it  is  no  uncommon  thing, 
when  a village  fails  in  its  fishing,  for  the  inhabitants  to  join 
their  brass  rods  together  to  buy  an  old  man  or  old  woman — 
old  and  therefore  cheap — and  throw  him  (or  her)  into  the  river 
to  conciliate  the  water-spirits.  Hence,  also,  all  the  care  taken 
by  a fisherman  to  conceal  his  name  while  fishing  under  the 
general  term  mwele,^  lest  the  disembodied  spirit  of  an  enemy 

* The  natives  can  give  no  meaning  to  this  word,  and  from  their  use  of  it 
to  hide  a name  it  is  something  like  our  phrase  : Mr.  So-and-so. 

263 


DISEMBODIED  SPIRITS  OR  GHOSTS 

should  hear  it  and,  recognizing  him,  keep  all  the  fish  from  his 
traps  and  nets. 

Sometimes  these  spirits  can  be  heard  walking  through  the 
forests,  and  the  noise  they  make  is  called  bie-bie  ; and  at  times 
they  visit  the  town  and  cause  “ a rustling  in  the  grass  roofs,  as 
though  searehing  for  a place  through  which  to  drive  their 
spears.”  The  land  and  water  are  full  of  these  disembodied  spirits, 
hence  the  timorous  folk  are  afraid  to  travel  by  night.  Certain 
witch-doctors  can  sec  these  spirits,  and  when  they  are  mis- 
chievous they  pretend  to  capture  them  and  seeure  them  in 
saucepans  and  calabashes. 

Men  may  become  the  mediums  by  which  these  spirits  hold 
communication  with  the  living,  generally  to  the  advantage  of 
the  medium,  as  the  following  incident  will  illustrate  : Baloli, 
the  head-man  of  his  family,  died,  and  was  buried  in  the  usual 
way.  Some  time  afterwards  his  younger  brother,  Mangumbe, 
became  subject  to  frenzies,  during  which  his  brother  Bololi 
spoke  his  oracles  through  him.  Mangumbe  admired  and  coveted 
the  wives  of  a certain  man  in  his  town  and  tried  to  buy  them, 
and  failing  in  that  he  desired  to  exehange  others  for  them,  but 
their  husband  refused  all  offers. 

One  day  Mangumbe  worked  himself  into  a frenzy,  and  when 
he  was  supposed  to  be  under  the  influence  of  his  brother’s 
spirit  he  said  that  a certain  man  (giving  the  name  of  the  man 
whose  wives  he  coveted)  must  get  rid  of  his  wives  or  they 
would  cause  his  death  by  a serious  and  fatal  illness.  Then 
Mangumbe  went  to  a friend  and  told  him  to  treat  with  the 
husband  for  the  wives.  The  husband,  now  thoroughly  afraid 
of  his  wives,  was  quite  willing  to  sell  them  at  a cheaper  price 
than  Mangumbe  had  previously  offered  for  them.  By  this 
cunning  trick  he  became  the  owner  of  the  women  he  wanted, 

On  one  oecasion  Mangumbe  wanted  to  buy  my  arm-chair.  I 
told  him  the  price  as  a bit  of  information,  as  I had  no  intention 
of  selling  the  chair.  lie  doubted  my  word.  I told  him  that  I 
had  heard  that  he  held  communication  with  his  brother’s 
spirit,  and  if  he  wanted  to  know  the  price  of  goods  in  England 

264 


At  the  time  the  picture  was  taken  the  folk  were  dispirited  by  heavy  taxes  and  many  deaths,  hence  the  neglected  appearance  of  the  houses. 
Meeting  the  demands  of  the  taxes  in  food,  etc.,  left  them  little  or  no  time  to  look  after  their  own  affairs.  These  taxes  are  better  adjusted  now  to 
the  number  and  condition  of  the  people. 


GHOSTS  ENTER  ANIMALS 


he  had  better  ask  his  brother’s  spirit  to  go  there,  learn  all  it 
could,  and  come  baek  and  inform  him  of  the  prices  of  the  various 
articles.  Mangumbe  shook  his  head  sadly  and  said  : “ His 
spirit  cannot  travel  so  far,  it  keeps  just  around  this  district 
only.” 

The  people  firmly  believed  that  Mangumbe  held  counsel  with 
his  brother’s  spirit,  and  when  he  acted  as  a medium  they  were 
quite  willing  to  accept  all  that  he  said.  Ordinarily  he  was  little 
respeeted  by  the  people ; he  was  of  mean  appearance  and  of 
petty,  shabby  ways,  and  had  no  command  even  over  his  own 
people,  and  yet  when  acting  as  a medium  in  a seance  he 
was  feared,  obeyed,  and  his  word  received  without  the 
slightest  demur. 

When  a spirit  is  speaking  through  a person,  who  is  usually  a 
member  of  the  disembodied  spirit’s  family,  the  medium  does 
not  always  talk  in  the  language  of  the  present  day,  but  in  the 
archaic  language  known  only  to  the  old  people.  When  the 
medium  is  a youngish  man,  i.e.  one  not  familiar  with  the  ancient 
language,  he  then  expresses  his  oracles  in  the  ordinary  speech, 
but  with  sufficient  of  the  archaic  forms  to  lend  mystery  to  the 
communication. 

I have  seen  the  medium  work  himself  into  a frenzy,  shout, 
tremble  all  over,  his  muscles  quiver,  his  body  undulates, 
perspiration  breaks  out  on  his  forehead,  and  foam  gathers 
about  his  mouth,  and  his  eyes  roll ; and  when  thoroughly  under 
the  spell  of  the  spirit  he  gives  utterance  to  oracles  that  are 
implicitly  believed  by  the  people.  All  these  seances  are  per- 
formed in  the  open  and  in  broad  daylight,  the  medium  some- 
times sitting  alone  in  the  centre  of  a crowd  ; but  when  much 
agitated  and  swaying  considerably,  he  has  one  or  two  of  his 
wives  near  to  catch  him  should  he  fall. 

Sometimes  one  of  these  spirits  takes  possession  of  a hippo- 
potamus and  visits  the  towns  on  the  river-banks,  and  when 
that  occurs  the  family  to  whom  the  spirit  is  supposed  to  belong 
puts  a small  saucepan  of  sugar-cane  wine  and  a little  food  for 
its  refreshment  on  its  nightly  visit ; and  as  the  food  and  wine 

265 


DECEIVING  THE  GHOSTS 


are  both  gone  in  the  morning  (there  are  plenty  of  dogs  about), 
the  natives  assured  me  that  the  spirit  in  the  animal  had  par- 
taken of  them.  The  spirit  also,  at  times,  enters  a crocodile  and 
visits  a town  ; but  the  hippopotamus  is  the  more  common 
form. 

On  one  occasion  a hippopotamus  came  off  our  beach  for  a 
few  nights.  I could  only  hear  it,  as  it  was  too  dark  to  see  it ; 
but  on  the  chance  of  wounding  it  fatally  I fired  in  the  direction 
of  the  sound.  I fired  on  two  successive  nights,  and  during  the 
next  day  some  natives  came  and  told  me  that  that  particular 
hippopotamus  was  possessed  by  the  spirit  of  a member  of  such 
and  such  a family,  and  that  the  said  spirit  had  sent  a message 
to  the  head  of  the  family,  telling  him  that  he  was  to  inform  me 
that  I should  only  waste  my  bullets  as  it  was  impossible  to  kill 
a spirit-possessed  hippopotamus,  and  asking  him  to  request 
me  not  to  fire  again,  as  he  (the  hippopotamus)  only  wanted  to 
visit  the  town  peaceably  for  his  offering  of  sugar-cane  wine  and 
food. 

I told  them  that  I would  have  another  shot  or  two  ; but  they 
assured  me  that  I should  not  hit  it.  They  did  not  doubt  my 
marksmanship,  as  they  had  seen  me  bring  down  many  birds  on 
the  wing,  and  they  knew  that  I scarcely  ever  went  to  shoot 
monkeys  and  guinea-fowls  without  bringing  one  or  more  back 
with  me.  They  did  not  doubt  my  skill  with  the  gun,  but  they 
doubted  the  power  of  a bullet  to  kill  a spirit-possessed  animal. 

The  hippopotamus,  however,  never  came  again,  consequently 
I had  no  further  opportunity  of  testing  the  point  at  issue.  I 
was  much  interested  in  learning  from  this  incident  that  spirits 
not  only  took  possession  of  hippopotami,  but  could  thus  com- 
municate with  their  living  relatives. 

According  to  the  native  idea  these  spirits  (mingoli)  are  every- 
where, and  are  ever  ready  to  pounce  on  any  living  person,  and 
either  carry  him  away  captive  or  inflict  a disease  on  him,  or 
kill  him  ; consequently  his  life  is  one  long  drawn-out  fear  of 
what  the  spirits  may  next  do  to  him  ; and  his  many  witeh- 
doctors,  fetishes,  and  ceremonies  are  to  control,  appease, 

266 


SPIRITS  OF  DISEASE 


circumvent,  and  perhaps  conquer  the  spirits.  The  spirit  of  a 
deceased  enemy  can  inflict  an  illness  on  a family,  a member  of 
which  had  wronged  him  when  in  the  body.  Fortunately,  these 
spirits  are  limited  in  the  area  of  their  operations  and  can  be 
deceived.  The  witch-doctor  can  cork  them  up  in  calabashes, 
can  cover  them  with  saucepans,  and  when  necessary,  if  the  fee 
is  large  enough,  he  can  destroy  them. 

A man  I knew  well  was  sick  for  a long  time  with  some  internal 
complaint,  and  after  other  means  had  failed  to  cure  him  he  was 
told  by  a witch-doctor  that  he  was  troubled  by  a bad  spirit, 
and  he  advised  him  to  go  right  out  of  the  district  beyond  the 
sphere  of  its  operations  and  remain  there  until  he  was  better. 
The  man  had  no  friends  to  whom  he  might  have  safely  gone,  so 
he  left  his  house  at  dead  of  night,  taking  only  two  of  his  wives 
with  him,  and  telling  no  one  of  his  destination  lest  the  spirit 
should  hear  it.  He  went  as  far  as  he  safely  could  from  his  own 
town  and  donned  a woman’s  dress,  and  assuming  a woman’s 
voice  he  pretended  to  be  other  than  he  was,  in  order  to  deceive 
the  spirit  should  it  search  for  him. 

This  also  failed  to  cure  him,  and  in  time  he  returned  to  his 
town,  but  continued  to  dress  and  speak  as  a woman,  and  every 
time  he  ate  or  drank  he  first  scattered  a portion  of  his  food 
and  drink  behind  him  for  the  spirit  to  eat,  and  eating  be  ap- 
peased. The  food  best  liked  by  these  spirits  is  the  heart  of  any 
animal,  but  it  must  be  boiled,  minced,  and  mixed  with  cassava. 

The  witch-doctor  can  see  the  disembodied  spirits,  and  those 
persons  who  have  the  occult  power  (called  likundu)  can  also  see 
them.  The  natives  tell  me  that  these  spirits  are  like  people  in 
appearance — they  come  into  view,  pass,  and  are  lost  to  sight 
like  ordinary  beings.  They  have  quiet  voices,  and  eat  monkey 
peppers  (amomum),  and  drink  sugar-cane  wine  ; but  if  the 
stems  of  the  monkey  pepper  are  put  across  a path  the  spirits 
cannot  pass  over  them.  It  is  a curious  belief  that  these  spirits 
may  eat  the  fruit  of  the  monkey  pepper,  and  yet  cannot  step 
over  the  stalks  of  the  same  plant.  On  the  Lower  Congo  red 
peppers  are  used  for  the  same  purpose  of  blocking  a road  to 

267 


SPIRITS  OF  DISEASE 


spirits  ; and  in  ancient  Britain  the  red  holly  berries  were  used 
for  keeping  evil  spirits  out  of  the  huts  and  houses  of  those  who 
feared  them. 

There  are  indications  that  the  sight  of  the  spirit  is  very 
defective,  but  its  hearing  is  very  keen,  consequently  a man’s 
name  is  never  mentioned  while  he  is  fishing,  for  fear  the  spirits 
will  hear  and  turn  the  fish  from  his  traps.  One  would  think 
that  if  the  spirits  can  see  and  recognize  a fish  they  could  also 
recognize  a fisherman  ; but  there  are  many  gaps  in  native 
logic. 

As  the  spirit  of  a bush-man  is  supposed  to  wander  in  the  bush 
after  leaving  the  nether  world,  any  human  offering  made  to 
appease  it  is  buried  on  the  edge  of  the  forest ; but  an  offering 
to  the  spirit  of  a riverine  man  is  thrown  into  the  water. 

These  offerings  are  made  with  the  object  of  gaining  the  good- 
will of  a father  or  grandfather ; but  there  is  no  ancestral  wor- 
ship, as  beyond  the  fourth  generation  the  ancestors  are  for- 
gotten, or  are  regarded  as  being  ineffeetive  in  their  anger. 
There  is  no  regularity  in  these  offerings,  but  they  are  made 
when  other  means  have  failed  to  avert  a calamity,  such  as  the 
flooding  of  a river,  or  to  ensure  a positive  good,  such  as  a large 
catch  of  fish. 

A homicide  is  not  afraid  of  the  spirit  of  the  man  he  has  killed 
when  the  slain  man  belongs  to  any  of  the  neighbouring  towns, 
as  disembodied  spirits  travel  in  a very  limited  area  only  ; but 
when  he  kills  a man  belonging  to  his  own  town  he  is  filled  with 
fear  lest  the  spirit  shall  do  him  some  harm.  There  are  no  special 
rites  that  he  can  observe  to  free  himself  from  these  fears,  but 
he  mourns  for  the  slain  man  as  though  he  were  a member  of 
his  own  family.  He  neglects  his  personal  appearance,  shaves 
his  head,  fasts  for  a certain  period,  and  laments  with  much 
weeping. 

Abnormal  events  are  often  placed  to  the  credit  of  the  spirit 
of  a man  recently  deceased.  A few  hours  after  the  death  of  a 
young  man  whom  I knew  a furious  storm  broke  on  the  town, 
blowing  down  plantain  trees  and  working  great  havoc  In  the 

268 


SPIRITS  OF  DISEASE 


farms.  It  was  stated  in  all  seriousness  by  the  folk  that  the 
storm  had  been  sent  by  Mopembe,  the  lad’s  name.  We  had  for 
dinner  one  day  the  shoulder  of  an  antelope,  the  history  of  whieh 
will  further  illustrate  the  above  statement : Three  days  before 
we  had  that  piece  of  antelope  on  our  table,  Mumbamba,  an 
old  head-man,  died.  After  his  death  his  relatives  came  from 
various  towns  to  mourn  at  his  grave.  On  the  morning  of  our 
antelope  dinner  three  canoes  of  men  and  women  were  coming 
up-river,  with  the  object  of  expressing  their  grief  at  the  grave, 
when  they  happened  upon  a large  antelope  caught  in  the  grass 
of  an  islet  that  had  lodged  against  a fallen  tree  in  the  river.  The 
mourners  killed  the  antelope,  dragged  it  into  the  canoe,  and 
gave  Mumbamba  the  credit  of  sending  them  an  antelope  to  eat 
as  an  expression  of  his  favour  ; thus  spirits  can  send  good  as 
well  as  evil  upon  those  who  are  left  on  the  earth. 

We  find,  then,  among  the  Boloki  three  words  for  soul,  spirit, 
and  ghost.  The  first,  elimo,  is  the  embodied  soul  that  is  able  to 
leave  the  body  during  sleep,  it  visits  people  and  places  in  dreams, 
travels  about,  and  performs  actions,  as  throttling  an  enemy. 
This,  I believe,  is  the  only  word  they  have  for  soul.  There  is 
then  the  elilingi,  a shadow,  shade,  reflection  that  a dead  man,  or 
dead  thing,  does  not  possess,  and  a living  man  can  lose  and  have 
restored  by  a witch-doctor,  and  this  word  is  also  used  in  a re- 
stricted sense  as  being  synonymous  with  elimo.  And,  lastly, 
there  is  mongoli,  a disembodied  soul,  a spirit,  a ghost  of  the 
bush,  forest,  and  water  that  sends  evil  and  good  upon  the  living 
— more  often  evil  than  good — which  it  is  necessary  to  appease 
with  offerings  of  food,  of  trade  goods,  and  of  human 
beings. 

The  natives  are  subject  to  various  serious  sicknesses  which 
they  think  are  caused  by  spirits,  and  each  sickness  has  its  own 
spirit  (or  bwete,  plural,  hence  the  native  names  i for  debility, 
anaemia,  rheumatism,  sciatica,  ague  fevers,  and  sleeping- 
sickness  are  not  only  the  names  of  diseases,  but  really  denote 
the  names  of  those  spirits  responsible  for  sending  them.  They 
* See  Appendix,  Note  5,  p.  345,  for  the  native  names  of  the  diseases. 

269 


SPIRITS  OF  DISEASE 


cannot  tell  me  from  whence  these  spirits  emanate,  but  the  only 
means  of  luring  them  out  of  the  body  of  the  patient  is  to  set 
up  for  some  of  them  specially  prepared  posts,  for  others  a 
saucepan  of  small  sticks,  and  again  for  others  a saucepan  of 
medicine  water. 

For  debility,  rheumatism,  sciatica,  and  ague  they  erect  a 
post  (called  etoli)  about  4 feet  long,  peeled  of  its  bark,  shaped 
to  a point  at  one  end,  and  daubed  with  yellow  pigment ; 'this  is 
marked  with  red  and  blue  spots,  and  stuck  upright  in  the 
ground  with  about  2 feet  6 inches  showing.  For  the  spirit 
of  sleeping-sickness  they  prepare  a saucepan  in  which  they  put 
small  sticks,  and  the  whole  is  decorated  with  yellow,  red,  and 
blue  spots  and  stripes.  For  the  spirit  of  another  form  of  sleep- 
ing-sickness a saucepan  of  bush-water  is  prepared,  and  the  pot 
ornamented  with  various  colours.  The  saucepan  of  sticks  is 
called  muntoka,  and  that  of  the  bush-water  is  called  eboko. 
The  latter  is  broken,  as  described  in  another  ehapter,  by  a badly 
treated  slave,  or  an  ill-used  wife,  to  obtain  redress  for  his  or 
her  wrongs. 

These  decorated  fetish  posts  and  saucepans  often  have  little 
shelters  built  over  them  which  are  coloured  with  various 
paints,  and  every  time  the  owner  takes  a meal  he  throws  some 
of  his  food  on  the  roof  of  his  house  for  the  spirits  to  eat.  From 
time  to  time  he  pours  sugar-cane  wine  over  the  posts,  or  into 
the  saucepans.  There  is  no  ancestral  worship  in  this,  but 
an  appeasing  of  the  spirits  of  the  diseases.  Not  to  make  these 
offerings  is  to  invite  a return  of  the  spirit  or  spirits  to  the 
body  of  the  owner,  i.e.  to  have  a relapse.  I have  known  a 
man  to  have  four  of  these  posts  and  saucepans.  This  indi- 
cated that  he  had  had  several  complaints,  or  had  had  his 
one  and  only  complaint  wrongly  diagnosed.  Persons  who 
have  never  suffered  from  these  serious  illnesses,  and  they 
are  numerous,  never  trouble  to  prepare  either  a saucepan 
or  a post. 

When  there  is  much  sickness  in  a family,  not  confined  to  one 
or  two  members  only,  but  a kind  of  family  epidemic,  it  is  said 

270 


SPIRIT  OF  WEALTH 


to  be  caused  by  a spirit  (named  mweta)  left,  or  sent,  by  a 
deceased  relative  as  a punishment  for  failing  to  observe  some 
fetish  taboo,  or  for  not  having  shown  due  respect  for  the  de- 
ceased when  he  was  buried  by  having  a proper  ceremony,  or 
for  not  keeping  his  memory  alive  by  occasional  mimic  fights  on 
land  or  water,  or  by  the  gifts  of  brass  rods  and  slaves.  Some- 
times the  family  is  conscious  that  they  have  properly  observed 
all  these  things,  and  then  they  know  that  their  deceased  relative 
has  sent  the  spirit  of  family  sickness  maliciously,  or  through 
jealousy  of  their  apparent  prosperity. 

These  spirits,  when  they  are  troubling  a family,  can  be  driven 
into  animals  by  the  witch-doctor  and  killed  by  him  ; and  as  a 
proof  of  his  prowess  he  will  exhibit  a bleeding  head,  and  assure 
the  family  that  they  need  no  longer  worry  as  he  has  killed  the 
animal  which  was  possessed  by  the  spirit,  and  it  is  therefore 
punished,  killed,  and  will  not  bother  them  again.  Sometimes 
the  witch-doctor  will  drive  the  spirit  into  a saucepan,  or 
calabash,  and  either  kill  it  or  imprison  it. 

The  Boloki  man,  like  folk  of  other  climes  and  colour,  is  not 
averse  to  wealth,  so  he  has  his  spirit  for  giving  wealth  (called 
ejo).  Now  a man  who  desires  to  become  rich  pays  a large  fee 
to  a certain  kind  of  witch-doctor,  who  then  uses  his  influence 
with  the  spirit  on  behalf  of  his  client,  who  must  in  all  future 
gains  set  apart  a portion  for  it ; but  should  he  fail  to  do  so,  the 
spirit  has  power  to  punish  him.  The  goods  are  given  to  the 
witch-doctor  to  pass  on  to  the  spirit. 

This  spirit  can  assume  any  shape  it  pleases,  and  entice  a 
person  down  to  the  river,  where  it  returns  suddenly  to  its 
proper  form  and  jumps  into  the  river  with  the  enticed  person. 
This  person  is  then  either  killed  by  the  spirit,  or  held  at  ransom 
for  a slave  or  his  equivalent.  How  the  ransom  is  paid  no  one 
could  tell  me,  although  I put  the  question  to  various  natives  at 
different  times.  The  person  thus  enticed  is  he  who  has  not 
paid  his  proper  dues  to  the  spirit. 

When  a person  has  received  the  medicine  or  charm  of  this 
spirit,  and  has  become  wealthy  by  its  luck-giving  power,  he  takes 

271 


SPIRITS  OF  CROCODILES 


the  nail-parings  and  hair-cuttings'  of  a woman  and  makes 
medicine  with  them  ; the  woman  then  quickly  dies,  and  her 
spirit  goes  to  the  wealth-giving  spirit  as  an  offering  for  its  help. 
He  is  said  to  pass  her  on  as  a gift  to  the  spirit  of  wealth.  If 
a man  is  saved,  when  a canoe  is  swamped  and  his  companions 
are  all  drowned,  he  is  regarded  as  having  given  them  to  the 
spirit  (ejo)  to  save  his  own  life.  Should  a man  be  suceessful  in 
fishing  or  trading  without  any  apparent  reason,  and  shortly 
after  his  success  his  wife  falls  ill  and  dies,  he  is  said  to  have 
given  his  wife  to  this  spirit  as  an  aeknowledgment  of  his  in- 
creased wealth.  The  ordeal  is  often  administered  to  prove  or 
disprove  these  aceusations  ; but  marvellous  stories  are  told 
about  the  wealth-giving  power  of  this  spirit,  and  as  only  rich 
men  can  afford  to  pay  the  fee  to  the  witch-doctor  in  the  first 
instance,  the  fact  of  their  wealth  fosters  the  superstition. 

That  some  men  are  stronger  than  others  in  wrestling,  and 
able  to  overcome  those  who  try  to  hold  them,  is  well  recognized 
by  the  natives,  but  instead  of  its  being  an  indication  of  greater 
strength  and  fitness  it  is  placed  to  the  credit  of  a spirit  (called 
embanda).  When  this  spirit  takes  possession  of  a man  it 
enables  him  to  throw  his  enemy ; it  strengthens  the  legs  of 
its  possessor,  and  weakens  by  pain  the  legs  of  its  owner’s 
opponent.  He  who  possesses  this  spirit  is  always  successful 
in  capturing  one  or  more  prisoners  in  a fight,  and  can  cause 
the  death  of  many  members  of  any  family  he  hates. 

The  word  jando  stands  for  the  peculiar  characteristics  of 
the  animal  to  which  it  is  prefixed,  i.e.  a man  successful  in 
fishing  is  said  to  have  the  peculiarities  of  a crocodile,  for  this 
creature  is  regarded  as  being  quick  in  catching  fish  ; and  a 
person  swift  and  cunning  in  fight  and  flight  has  the  qualities 
of  a leopard.  These  qualities  or  spirits  are  not  gained  by  eating 
either  of  these  creatures,  but  are  proeured,  for  a few,  from  the 
Avitch-doctor  by  some  occult  intercourse  with  the  erocodile  and 

* This  is  one  of  the  reasons  why  a person  always  hides  his,  or  her,  nail- 
parings  and  hair-cuttings,  as  “ powerful  medicine  ” can  be  made  with  them 
to  the  disadvantage  of  the  owner. 


272 


MONSTERS  ON  THE  ISLANDS 


leopard.  It  is  also  affirmed  by  the  natives  that  a person  can 
become  so  possessed  by  the  spirit  (jando)  of  a crocodile  or  of 
a leopard  that  he  will  let  himself  loose  occasionally  on  his 
neighbours,  and  thus  preying  in  spirit  on  them  many  will  die. 

One  of  the  functions  of  the  disembodied  spirits  is  to  supply 
certain  places  in  the  forests,  or  trees,  or  creeks  with  the  spirits 
that  are  to  enter  unborn  children.  These  spirits  of  unborn 
children  (called  hingbongho)  can  make  boys  and  girls  thin  and 
weak,  but  are  to  be  appeased  by  the  proper  kind  of  medicine 
man  preparing  a suitable  feast  for  them.  These  spirits  are 
supposed  to  crowd  the  pools  in  the  forests,  the  shallow  ponds 
on  the  islands,  the  many  creeks  of  the  river,  and  even  to 
people  the  great  bombax  trees  to  be  found  here  and  there 
along  the  river’s  bank.  Every  family  has  its  own  special 
preserves  (called  liboma)  where  the  spirits  are  waiting  for  bodies 
in  which  to  appear  as  babies. 

Next  to  the  spirits  in  the  terror  they  cause  to  the  natives  is 
a mythical  monster  (engenenge)  inhabiting  the  islands.  He 
is  represented  as  having  many  heads  and  no  body,  and  is 
greatly  dreaded  by  those  who  have  to  camp  on  the  islands 
during  fishing  and  travelling ; and  the  natives  tell  many 
stories  of  visits  they  have  received  from  him.  Next  to  this 
many-headed  monster  is  a mythical  person  or  spirit  (named 
nyandembe)  who  is  mentioned  in  the  folk-lore  stories  as  having 
caused  the  death  of  Libanza’s  father,  but  w'as  eventually  killed 
by  him  as  a punishment.  He  is  thought  by  the  natives  to  have 
been  very  strong  and  rich ; but  being  dead  he  is  no  longer  feared. 

There  is  a race  of  folk  who  live  somewhere  above,  as  the 
word  indicates  (6a=people,  and  likolo=d\iowe.),  but  up-river 
and  all  the  country  east  of  them  is  also  called  likolo ; and  it 
is  most  probable  that  the  word  likolo  in  the  above  phrase  had 
originally  that  meaning,  but  as  the  natives  pushed  their 
journeys  higher  and  higher  up  the  river  and  heard  of  peoples 
like  themselves  still  higher  up,  they  removed  the  balikolo  from 
a locality  beyond  their  district  to  a place  above  them  in  the  sky. 

These  Cloud-folk  are  said  to  have  tails,  and  are  very  fond 

273 


8 


FOREST  SPRITES 


of  ripe  plantains,  and  in  the  folk-lore  stories  they  descend  on 
the  banana  farms  solely  to  eat  and  carry  off  the  ripe  fruit. 
There  is  a legend  that  the  Boloki  people  bought  their  first  fire  i 
from  the  Cloud-folk  in  exchange  for  a young  woman.  Pre- 
viously to  that  “ we  cooked  our  food  in  the  sun,  or  ate  it  quite 
raw.”  These  Cloud-land  folk  are  not  regarded  as  spirits,  but 
the  natives  always  speak  of  them  as  a great  nuisance,  and  as 
something  uncanny  and  in  possession  of  supernatural  power. 

There  is  a class  of  supernatural  beings  that  inhabits  the 
forest  and  bush  (named  people  of  the  bush).  They 

are  often  appealed  to  in  the  folk  stories  to  decide  what  a 
person  should  or  should  not  eat ; and  also  to  judge  on  a point 
of  etiquette  or  custom.  They  are  not  looked  upon  with  mueh 
dread,  and  no  one  speaks  of  them  as  having  done  any  harm 
to  the  folk  who  visit  the  forests.  They  seem  to  be  friendly 
spirits,  or  sprites,  that  are  always  at  hand  when  wanted,  and 
they  just  as  readily  give  their  verdict  in  favour  of  a mean  triek 
as  support  a ruse  to  outwit  the  meanness. 

When  a man  is  under  the  sway  of  the  disembodied  spirit  he 
takes  his  spear  and,  tying  some  dried  plantain  leaves  to  it,  he 
holds  it  before  him  with  his  left  hand  ; and  as  he  trembles 
with  the  excitement  of  the  spirits  in  him  the  spear  shakes  and 
rustles  the  leaves  until  the  spirits  go  out  of  him  into  the  spear, 
and  it  then  becomes  a fetish  spear  and  his  luck  is  bound  up 
in  it.  This  spear,  henceforth,  may  not  be  touched  by  anyone 
but  himself,  and  it  is  carefully  guarded  by  its  owner,  for  to 
lose  it  is  to  fail  in  all  his  undertakings.  These  spirits  are 
passed  into  hunting-spears,  fighting-spears,  and  fish-spears,  and 
although  they  are  especially  effectual  in  their  own  particular 
line,  they  also  have  a general  influence  on  the  man’s  luck.  It 
is  also  asserted  that  a rich  man  who  has  the  spirit  of  wealth 
{ejo)  passes  that  spirit  into  his  canoe,  and  this  enables  him  to 
make  successful  trading  expeditions  and  other  journeys  to 
his  own  advantage. 

* See  also  the  folk-lore  story,  “ The  punishment  of  the  inquisitive  man,” 
page  205. 


274 


IN  TREES 


I found  only  one  tree  that  is  supposed  to  have  a spirit,  and 
that  is  the  tree  used  for  ordeal  purposes.  When  a person  wants 
to  take  the  rootlets  of  the  ordeal  tree  (nka),  he  first  selects  the 
tree,  then  spreads  a leaf  on  the  closed  fist  of  his  left  hand,  and 
strikes  it  with  the  palm  of  his  right  hand.  If  the  leaves  on 
the  tree  tremble  in  response,  he  knows  the  tree  is  strong  and 
fit  to  use ; but  if  they  remain  quiescent,  it  is  a sign  that  the 
ordeal  property  {nka)  is  weak  and  unfit  for  its  purpose,  so 
another  tree  is  sought,  until  he  finds  one  that  responds  in 
sympathy  to  the  striking  of  the  leaf. 

The  life  of  the  native,  surrounded  as  he  is  by  all  these  various 
spirits,  would  be  intolerable,  unthinkably  so,  were  it  not  for 
his  many  witch-doctors,  who  have  power  to  control  the 
spirits,  and  even  kill  them,  and  his  many  charms  that  protect 
him  from  their  many  malignant  designs,  or  enlist  their  power 
on  behalf  of  the  wearers  and  users  of  them.  Which  came  first 
— a belief  in  the  spirits,  or  the  witch-doctors  to  circumvent 
them  ? I am  disposed  to  think  that  the  witch-doctors  are 
largely  responsible  for  the  creation  of  these  various  spirits  to 
account  for  their  numerous  failures  in  warding  off  sickness  and 
death.  With  these  witch-doctors,  however,  we  must  deal  in 
another  chapter. 


I 

I 


275 


CHAPTER  XX 


MEDICINE  MEN  AND  THEIR  MAGIC 


Number  of  medicine  men — How  to  become  a witch  - doctor — Mayeya  and 
his  long  dive — Makwata  and  his  talking  spear — A simple  trick — Female 
witch-doctors — Three  kinds  of  witchcraft — Discredited  witch-doctors 
— Fear  of  the  witch-doctors. 


HERE  is  not  so  great  a variety  of  medieine  men  (nganga) ' 


among  the  Boloki  as  among  the  Bakongo  of  the  Lower 


Congo,  nor  is  the  modus  operandi  of  bewitching  people 
and  of  removing  the  witchcraft  so  well  defined.  Among  the 
Boloki  the  medicine  man  is  much  in  evidence,  but  he  is  not 
regarded  with  much  awe  or  respect.  The  office  is  hereditary, 
and  it  is  difficult  for  a person  to  become  a medicine  man  who 
has  not  already  a near  relative  in  the  profession.  The  old 
medicine  man  teaches  his  son  the  tricks  of  his  trade  free  of  all 
charges  ; and  when  a novice  is  considered  efficient  he  undergoes 
the  following  test : Something  is  hidden  and  he  has  to  find  it, 
and  having  discovered  the  secreted  article  he  must  then  per- 
form a magic  ceremony,  such  as  killing  an  animal  possessed  by 
a spirit — a trick  he  has  easily  learned  from  his  father,  and 
after  that  he  blossoms  out  as  a fully  qualified  medicine  man. 

If  a person  in  whose  family  there  has  been  a medicine  man 
desires  to  join  the  profession  he  goes  to  an  old  witch-doctor, 
and  on  paying  a heavy  fee  he  is  taught  as  though  he  were  a son, 
but  he  must  pass  the  usual  tests  as  above  ; if,  however,  a person 
in  whose  family  there  has  never  been  a medicine  man  Avishes 
to  join  the  profession,  he  is  deterred  from  so  doing  by  being 

* Nganga  means  medicine  man,  witch-doctor,  doctor,  wizard,  soothsayer 
sorcerer,  magician,  etc. 


276 


MAYEYA  AND  HIS  LONG  DIVE 


told  that  he  must  first  kill  all  the  members  of  his  family  by 
witehcraft,  as  offerings  to  that  spirit  {mweta)  of  the  particular 
branch  he  desires  to  join.  This  results  in  the  man  refusing 
to  become  a witch-doctor,  and  even  if  he  were  so  callous  as 
to  still  wish  it,  his  family  would  not  allow  him  to  proceed,  as 
they  believe  they  would  fall  victims  to  his  witchcraft.  Thus 
the  secrets  of  the  profession  are  retained  in  a very  few  families. 
Still,  I have  known  a slave  belonging  to  a Boloki  man  become 
a great  medicine  man  by  pretending  to  perform  a wonderful 
feat,  which  was  as  follows  : 

Mayeya,  for  that  was  the  man’s  name,  went  one  day  with  a 
lad  in  a canoe  across  the  river.  By  and  by  the  lad  returned 
without  Mayeya,  and  on  being  asked  where  he  was,  the  lad 
replied : “ Mayeya  fell  from  the  canoe  into  the  river,  and  since 
then  I have  not  seen  him.” 

Seven  days  after  this  Mayeya  walked  up  from  the  river 
into  the  town  dressed  in  his  best  cloth,  etc.  The  people  gathered 
around  him  asking  him  where  he  had  been,  and  he  solemnly 
informed  them  that  he  had  been  under  the  river  for  the  whole 
of  the  seven  days,  consulting  with  the  water-spirits,  and  that 
now  he  was  a witch-doctor.  The  people  believed  in  him,  and 
flocked  to  him  with  cases  from  all  the  neighbouring  villages, 
towns,  and  districts,  and  by  his  many  and  large  fees  he  became 
so  wealthy  that  he  was  able  to  pay  ten  men  and  two  women 
-—one  woman  is  equal  in  price  to  four  men — for  his  ransom, 
and  then  became  a slave-owner  himself  and  a man  of  wealth. 

One  day  I heard  Mayeya  boasting  outside  my  house  of  the 
seven  days  he  had  spent  under  the  water  in  company  with 
the  water-spirits  ; so  going  to  him  I said  : “ Mayeya,  I hear  you 
have  lived  under  the  river  for  seven  days.” 

“ Yes,”  he  said,  “ I have.” 

“ Well,”  I replied,  “ I will  give  you  five  thousand  brass  rods  ” 
— the  currency  of  that  district — “ if  you  will  remain  under  the 
water  here  in  front  of  my  house  while  I count  them.” 

He  answered:  “ I cannot  do  it  just  now,  but  I will  return 
on  another  day  and  do  it  for  you.”  Whenever  I met  Mayeya 

277 


MAKWATA  AND  HIS  TALKING  SPEAR 


after  that  I always  reminded  him  of  his  promise  to  stop  under 
the  river  while  I counted  the  rods. 

The  people  at  last  used  to  urge  him  to  aecept  my  ehallenge 
and  offer  of  5000  brass  rods.  They  argued  with  him,  saying : 
“ You  have  remained  under  the  water  for  seven  days,  surely 
you  can  stay  under  it  while  the  white  man  counts  five  thousand, 
for  you  know  he  eounts  very  quickly.  Go  and  get  your  five 
thousand  rods,  and  then  you  will  be  able  to  buy  two  more 
wives.” 

Mayeya,  however,  put  them  off  with  first  one  excuse  and 
then  another,  until  at  last  they  chaffed  him  about  it,  laughed 
at  him,  and  expressed  the  doubt  as  to  whether  he  had  stayed 
under  the  water  half  a day,  much  less  seven  whole  days  and 
nights. 

As  he  still  continued  to  make  excuses  the  natives  lost  faith 
in  him,  his  praetice  fell  off,  and  the  last  I saw  of  Mayeya  was 
his  coming  to  borrow  of  me  100  brass  rods,  for  he  was  in 
difiieulties.  To  his  request  I replied : “ No,  you  have  cheated 
many  people  out  of  their  money,  and  done  to  death  many  a 
person  by  your  false  accusations  of  witchcraft ; I will  not 
lend  you  a single  brass  rod,  but  there  are  five  thousand  waiting 
for  you  if  you  will  only  remain  under  the  water  while  I count 
them.” 

I was  seated  one  day  among  some  natives  when  they  began 
to  talk  of  the  wonderful  things  Makwata  (who  was  present) 
could  do  in  making  his  spear  shake  and  talk. 

Now  I never  laughed  at  the  pretensions  of  the  nativ'es,  no 
matter  how  absurd  they  might  be,  nor  did  I ridicule  their 
views,  thoughts,  and  expressions.  Perhaps  that  was  the 
reason  why  they  spoke  so  frankly  to  me,  and  tried  to  explain 
their  ideas  about  things  in  general.  I always  dealt  with  them 
seriously  and  sympathetically. 

I turned  to  Makwata  and  asked  him  whether  he  could  do 
the  wonderful  things  his  eompanions  were  talking  about  or  not. 
He  very  emphatically  asserted  that  he  could  “ make  his  spear 
shake  and  talk.” 


278 


u:- 

.5  § 

S “ 

«2-- 

§* 

<j 


A SIMPLE  TRICK 


“ I suppose,”  I said,  “ you  will  stand  near  the  spear,  or  put 
the  spear  in  a lot  of  grass.” 

“ No,”  he  replied,  “ I will  stick  my  spear  on  the  bank  by 
the  river,  and  I will  sit  here.” 

“ Very  good,”  I answered  ; “ I will  give  you  five  hundred 
rods  if  you  do  it.” 

“ I can  do  it  in  my  town,”  he  asserted,  “ but  not  here.” 

“ All  right,”  I said  ; “ I am  coming  to  visit  your  town  next 
Sunday,  and  will  bring  the  rods  with  me.”  But  when  I went 
to  the  town  at  the  appointed  time,  Makwata  was  not  there ; 
he  had,  however,  left  me  a message  to  say  that  he  would  bring  his 
spear  up  to  Monsembe  and  do  the  wonderful  performance  there. 

Several  weeks  passed  away,  and  while  talking  to  some 
natives  on  the  verandah  of  my  house  I saw  Makwata  pass,  so  I 
called  to  him  and  asked  if  he  had  brought  his  talking  spear, 
for  the  500  rods  were  ready. 

“ No,”  he  replied,  “ I have  not  brought  my  spear.” 

Turning  to  my  native  companions  I said:  “ Your  witch- 
doctors will  never  do  their  trieks  before  me,  although  I offer 
them  many  brass  rods  ; but  my  wife  and  I will  do  a trick  before 
you  wthout  payment.  I will  put  three  articles  on  the  verandah, 
my  wife  shall  go  into  her  bedroom,  and  when  she  comes  out 
she  will  tell  you  whieh  article  you  touched.” 

“ Oh,  no  ! ” they  said  in  ehorus  ; “ she  is  not  able  to  do  that.” 
The  artieles  were  arranged  in  a line,  my  wife  went  to  her 
•room,  one  of  the  things  was  touched,  and  she  came  and  pointed 
out  whieh  they  had  touehed.  “ Let  her  do  it  again,”  they 
requested.  It  was  done  again  and  again,  until  one  young  man 
thought  he  had  fathomed  the  trick,  and  he,  with  mueh  excite- 
ment, said : “ Mama  looks  through  the  window.  Let  someone 
go  into  the  room  with  her.” 

“ Certainly,”  I at  onee  aceeded  to  their  request,  and  two 
native  women  aecompanied  my  wife,  and  on  their  return  the 
natives  asked : “ Did  Mama  look  through  the  window  ? ” 

“ Oh,  no,”  the  women  replied  ; “ she  went  right  to  the  other 
side  of  the  room.” 


279 


FEMALE  WITCH-DOCTORS 


My  friends  were  nonplussed.  They  could  not  see  through 
the  trick,  and  many  came  in  ones  and  twos  afterwards  and 
asked  me  how  many  fowls  or  goats  did  I want  to  teach  them 
the  trick.  They  never  again  boasted  in  my  presence  of  what 
their  witch-doctors  could  do. 

There  are  some  quasi  “ doctors.”  Men  and  women  who  have 
recovered  from  a serious  complaint  set  up  to  cure  that  par- 
ticular sickness.  They  use  massage  with  hot  or  cold  water, 
or  no  water  at  all,  and  simple  herbs,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that 
they  do  a considerable  amount  of  good. 

There  are  female  witch-doctors  who  perform  the  same  rites 
as  the  male  ones,  such  as  the  witch-doctors  who  conduct  their 
ceremonies  either  enclosed  in  a mat  or  out  in  the  open ; but 
the  one  who  cures  anaemia  and  debility,  makes  the  necessary 
“ medicine  ” for  pregnant  women,  attends  confinements,  and 
takes  certain  cases  of  sickness  among  men  is  always  a female. 
Each  i&  more  or  less  famous  in  his  own  line,  and  with  one  or 
two  exceptions  rarely  goes  beyond  his  own  limits. 

There  is  the  general  practitioner,  who  is  not  a specialist  as 
the  other  medicine  men  are.  He  is  regarded,  however,  as 
knowing  more  than  the  others,  with  the  exception  of  the  one 
who  performs  in  a mat.  He  uses  all  kinds  of  herbs,  prepares 
the  different  charms  for  warding  off  diseases,  and  cures  divers 
complaints  ; but  he  never  attempts  to  exorcise  spirits  or  to 
find  witches.  He  is  called  by  the  natives  nganga  ya  mono,  i.e. 
the  medicine  man  who  uses  medicines,  herbs,  or  charms. 
His  fees  are  comparatively  small,  and  he  is  consulted  in  the 
first  stages  of  an  illness  in  the  hope  that  he  will  be  able  to 
effect  a cure,  and  thus  save  the  larger  fees  demanded  by  other 
branches  of  the  profession. 

When  rain  is  falling,  and  for  some  reason  or  other  it  is 
not  desirable,  the  rain-doctor  takes  a small  leaf  and  puts  it 
on  the  closed  fist  of  his  left  hand,  and  extending  the  arm  in 
the  direction  from  which  the  rain  is  coming  he  waves  it  to  and 
fro  in  a semicircle  ; he  then  strikes  the  leaf  with  the  open  palm 
of  the  right  hand,  and  should  the  leaf  burst  at  the  first  smack 

280 


THE  RAIN-DOCTOR 


the  rain  will  stop  in  “ one  paddling,”  i.e.  the  time  paddlers 
paddle  on  one  side  of  a large  canoe  before  changing  to  the 
other  side — this  is  about  twenty  minutes  ; if  the  leaf  does  not 
burst  at  the  first  smack  but  at  the  second,  then  the  rain  will 
not  stop  for  “ two  paddlings,”  i.e.  forty  minutes,  and  so  on  ; 
but  if  the  leaf  does  not  burst  at  all  after  repeated  slaps,  then 
the  rain  will  not  stop  for  a very  long  time.  When  rain  is 
threatening,  this  ceremony  is  performed  in  order  to  ascertain 
how  long  it  will  be  before  the  rain  will  fall.  If  the  leaf  breaks 
at  the  first  blow  the  rain  will  begin  to  fall  in  twenty  minutes, 
and  so  on  to  two  blows  and  three  blows.  They  will  start  a 
journey  or  remain  at  home  according  to  the  indications  of 
this  performance.  The  lads  have  often  asked  me  to  postpone 
a journey  because  the  divination  of  the  leaf  predicted  rain. 

When  a storm  threatens  to  break  during  the  funeral  festivi- 
ties of  a man  the  people  present  will  call  the  beloved  child  of 
the  deceased,  and  giving  him  (or  her)  a lighted  ember  from  the 
hearth  with  a vine  twined  round  it,  they  will  ask  him  to  stop 
the  rain.  The  lad  steps  forward  and  waves  the  vine-encircled 
ember  towards  the  horizon  where  the  storm  is  rising,  and  says  : 
“ Father,  let  us  have  fine  weather  during  your  funeral  cere- 
monies.” The  son  after  this  rite  must  not  drink  water — he 
may  drink  sugar-cane  wine — nor  put  his  feet  in  water  for  one 
day.  Should  he  not  observe  these  prohibitions  the  rain  will 
fall  at  once. 

When  it  is  desirable  to  have  rain  the  native  takes  down  from 
the  shelf  some  sticks  which  have  “ medicine  ” bound  round 
them  and  plunges  them  into  water  mixed  with  arrowroot 
leaves,  and  then  the  rain  will  soon  begin  to  fall.  It  is  rarely 
that  they  have  to  resort  to  the  rain-doctor  to  bring  rain,  as 
the  rains  fall  with  great  regularity  all  the  year  round  ; they 
employ  him  more  frequently  to  predict  when  the  rain  will 
stop,  or  to  stop  it  with  his  charms.  On  the  Upper  Congo 
throwing  salt  on  the  fire  will  cause  a superabundance  of  rain 
to  fall,  but  on  the  Lower  Congo  salt  is  a charm  for  stopping 
the  rain. 


281 


TALKING  TO  THE  SPIRITS 


When  a family  is  troubled  with  much  sickness  or  frequent 
deaths  the  medicine  man  of  the  mat  {nganga  ya  hwaka)  is 
engaged,  who,  on  his  arrival,  puts  some  stakes  in  the  ground 
and  ties  a mat  round  them,  thus  making  an  enclosure  in  which 
he  sits  while  performing  his  ceremonies.  A string  is  stretched 
from  the  roof  of  his  client’s  house  to  one  of  the  stakes  of  this 
mat  enclosure,  and  the  end  of  the  string  drops  inside ; dried 
plantain  leaves,  twigs,  etc.,  dangle  from  the  string,  and  outside 
the  mat  sit  some  young  men  and  lads  with  drums  and  horns, 
and  the  various  folk  interested  in  the  rites  stand  or  sit  around. 

When  all  is  ready  the  medicine  man  enters  his  enclosure 
and  pulling  the  string,  he  shakes  the  leaves  and  the  lads  beat 
their  drums  and  blow  their  horns,  and  the  men  and  women 
sitting  around  chant  a chorus  in  admirable  time.  Directly 
the  leaves  stop  shaking  the  drummers  and  singers  understand 
it  as  a sign  for  them  to  remain  quiet.  The  medicine  man  then 
begins  to  speak  to  the  various  spirits,  and  answers  himself  in 
assumed  voices,  thus  pretending  to  hold  conversations  with 
them.  As  often  as  he  feels  tired  with  his  efforts  he  shakes  the 
leaves,  and  the  drums  are  beaten,  and  the  folk  chant  until  he 
has  recovered  his  breath,  whereupon  he  starts  the  pseudo- 
conversations again.  These  conversations  he  maintains 
through  the  whole  day  (sometimes  for  two  or  three  days), 
but  generally  towards  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day  he 
comes  out  of  the  enclosure  holding  a bleeding  head  in  his  hand, 
and  assures  the  family  that  he  has  killed  the  animal  in  which 
the  troublesome  spirit  was  residing,  and  now  the  family  will 
no  more  be  afflicted  with  sickness  and  death.  To  vary  the 
ceremony  the  medicine  man  sometimes  rushes  out  of  the 
enclosure  into  a house,  or  behind  a house,  or  into  the  adjacent 
bush  as  though  in  chase  of  something,  and  he  returns  with  a 
bleeding  head,  and  says  that  he  has  slain  the  spirit-possessed 
animal. 

It  is  this  medicine  man  who  searches  for  the  witch  (moloki) 
in  the  family  of  the  sick  one.  If  a layman  charges  another  with 
witchcraft  the  accused  can  demand  that  the  accuser  shall 


282 


DESTROYING  THE  SPIRITS 


drink  the  ordeal  with  him  ; but  if  this  witeh-doetor  eharges 
a person  with  witeheraft  he  himself  will  not  take  the  ordeal, 
and  no  one  expcets  him  to  do  so.  The  aecused  must  take  the 
ordeal  alone,  and  should  he  (or  she)  fall  repeatedly  he  is  con- 
demned, and  is  left  either  to  die  as  the  result  of  the  large 
doses  of  ordeal  or  is  hung  on  a tree.  The  corpse  is  left  unburied 
— it  is  the  body  of  a witch,  the  most  hated  being  in  all  Congo- 
land. 

This  medicine  man  of  the  mat  in  killing  a spirit  troubling 
a family  works  hard  and  earns  his  money.  After  spending 
several  hours  a day  in  the  mat  discussing  with  the  spirits  and 
trying  to  discover  which  is  menacing  the  family,  he  at  last 
decides  on  one,  and  when  the  right  moment  arrives  the  medi- 
cine man  makes  a terrific  noise  inside  the  mat,  as  though  he 
were  fighting  for  his  life.  Shouts,  screams,  derisive  laughter, 
whacks,  thuds,  and  smacks  proceed  from  the  interior  of  the 
mat,  and  at  last  the  witch-doctor  rushes  out  panting  and 
sweating  profusely,  holding  in  his  hand  a bleeding  head,  and 
declaring  that  he  has  killed  the  animal  possessed  by  the  par- 
ticular spirit  that  was  troubling  the  family.  With  the  bleeding 
head  he  rushes  to  the  river  and  throws  it  far  out  into  the 
running  water.  The  family  is  supposed  now  to  recover  its 
health,  the  medicine  man  pulls  down  his  mats,  receives  his  fee, 
and  departs. 

What  is  the  bleeding  head  ? On  one  occasion  some  of  our 
school  lads  chased  one  of  these  medicine  men  who  came  from  his 
mat  with  a bleeding  head.  He  ran  for  the  river,  but  they  headed 
him  off,  and  in  desperation  he  ran  to  a pool  of  water  and  threw 
the  head  into  it.  The  boys  entered  the  water,  and  bringing  it 
out  they  found  it  was  a lizard’s  head.  On  another  occasion 
it  was  a rat’s  head.  Thus  the  family  had  paid  a big  fee  to  have 
a rat  or  lizard  killed,  and  the  bleeding  neck  shown  to  them. 
Up  to  that  time  the  folk  had  always  believed  that  it  was  some 
mysterious  animal  which  the  medicine  man  dug  up  from  the 
ground  inside  his  mat,  killed  by  his  occult  power  and  threw 
into  the  river  so  that  it  could  never  more  harm  his  clients. 


283 


CHASING  THE  SPIRITS 


This  medicine  man  who  operates  in  a mat  is  the  most  feared 
and  respected  of  all  the  witch-doctors.  It  is  believed  that  he 
can  see  the  disembodied  spirits,  i.e.  ghosts,  also  the  souls  of 
people,  and  the  different  spirits  of  disease,  and  hold  communi- 
cation with  them.  He  bottles  in  calabashes  or  imprisons  in 
saucepans  the  local  spirits  that  will  otherwise  hinder  the 
hunters  trapping  the  wild  animals  ; he  makes  the  dogs  keen 
hunters  with  his  charms  and  medicines  ; he  gives  the  reasons 
for  the  floods,  and  indicates  the  best  way  to  cause  them  to 
subside  ; and  he  also  has  very  close  dealings  with  the  spirit 
of  wealth. 

There  is  another  class  of  medicine  men  that  scorns  to  perform 
its  ceremonies  inside  a mat,  but  practises  its  craft  in  the  open 
before  all  the  people.  These  are  called  {nganga  ya  libanda) 
medicine  men  of  the  open,  outside.  A family  suffering  from 
much  sickness  has  called  in  one  medicine  man  after  another 
without  experiencing  relief,  and  they  may  have  had  even  the 
“ mat  witch-doctor  ” and  felt  no  better  after  having  paid 
him  his  large  fee,  so  now  they  try  again  with  this  one  who 
works  in  the  open. 

He  arrives  dressed  in  monkey  skins,  bush-cat  skins,  etc., 
and  well  decorated  with  charms.  Men  beat  drums,  sing  chants 
and  choruses  ; the  medicine  man  dances  about,  working  himself 
into  a frenzy.  He  peers  here,  there,  everywhere,  looking  for 
the  spirit  that  is  troubling  the  family.  He  sees  it  in  a plantain 
tree,  hurls  his  spear  at  it,  but  no,  he  misses  it ; he  sees  it  on 
the  roof  of  a house  and  away  darts  the  spear,  only  to  miss  it  again. 
He  prods  his  spear  into  the  different  parts  of  the  outside  of 
the  house,  but  he  misses  the  elusive  spirit  every  time  ; he  is, 
however,  working  it  towards  the  doorway.  At  last  the  spirit 
takes  refuge  in  the  house,  the  medicine  man  springs  forward 
with  alacrity,  enters  the  house,  darts  his  spear  in  all  directions, 
yelling  loudly  and  screaming  terrifically ; then  a frightful  cry 
is  heard,  and  in  a few  moments  the  medicine  man  comes  out 
with  the  blade  of  his  spear  well  smeared  with  blood.  He  has 
killed  the  spirit,  or  rather  the  animal  possessed  by  the  spirit. 

284 


DIAGNOSING  A COMPLAINT 


I have  often  watched  this  performance,  and  they  always 
killed  these  animals  possessed  by  spirits  in  the  house.  I often 
wondered  why,  and  from  whence  came  the  blood  on  the  spear. 
The  son  of  one  of  these  medicine  men  told  us  that  when  his 
father  wanted  blood  to  smear  over  his  spear-head,  he  dug  his 
finger-nail  into  his  gum  and  procured  from  thence  the  blood 
for  the  purposes  of  this  trick.  On  showing  the  spear  thus 
stained  with  blood  he  asserted  that  he  had  destroyed  the 
spirit  that  was  troubling  the  family,  he  received  his  fee,  and 
went.  The  semi-darkness  of  the  native  hut  rendered  a trick 
of  this  kind  quite  possible. 

We  have  seen  in  the  preceding  chapter  on  spirits  that 
certain  spirits  cause  certain  diseases,  and  that  the  names  of 
many  diseases  are  really  the  names  of  those  spirits  that  are 
supposed  to  cause  them.  To  deal  with  the  spirit  of  extreme 
debility  there  are  “ doctors,”  who  are  always  women,  and  these 
are  engaged  to  treat  both  men  and  women  suffering  from  this 
complaint.  The  “ doctor  ” in  dealing  with  this  spirit  dances, 
chants,  and  shakes  a rattle,  until  the  patient  says  he  has  the 
spirit  {bwete)  of  debility  stirring  in  him ; he  knows  it  by  the 
way  it  jerks  and  sways  his  body.  The  medicine  woman  pre- 
pares the  post  {etoU)  and  invites  the  spirit  to  go  and  reside  in 
it  and  not  trouble  the  patient  any  more. 

These  female  “ doctors  ” attend  the  women  of  certain 
totem  families,  whose  children  five  days  after  birth  have  their 
ears  pierced  ; such  families  are  supposed  to  be  patronized  by 
a parturition  spirit  (bwete  bwa  boweya)  that  will  help  the  child 
to  grow  strong,  fat,  and  healthy  if  its  ears  are  pierced  on  the 
fifth  day  with  the  proper  dance  and  ceremony  ; but  will  cause 
the  child’s  death  if  the  mother  when  enceinte  does  not  use  the 
proper  medicines  under  the  guidance  of  this  female  “ doctor,” 
or  does  not  have  its  ears  pierced  in  the  proper  way. 

When  a man  is  troubled  with  a sickness  whieh  has  failed 
to  yield  to  other  means,  or  one  in  whose  family  there  has  been 
a death  and  he  cannot  afford  to  hire  a witch-finder,  he  goes 
to  a medicine  man  whose  fee  is  comparatively  small,  for  his 

285 


FORETELLING  FUTURE  EVENTS 


operations  are  simple  and  his  paraphernalia  small.  He,  on 
being  hired,  brings  out  his  fetish  saucepan  of  water,  and  placing 
it  in  a good  position  he  pours  some  sugar-cane  wine  by  its  side, 
for  souls  or  embodied  spirits  are  very  fond  of  this  drink.  He 
then  calls  the  spirits  by  putting  a leaf  on  the  closed  fist  of  the 
left  hand  and  striking  it  with  the  palm  of  the  right  hand ; 
thereupon  they  show  themselves  one  by  one  in  the  fetish 
saucepan  {likenge),  into  which  only  the  witch-doctor  is  allowed 
to  look. 

A spirit  appears,  turns,  and  shows  its  face  when  challenged 
to  do  so,  and  shakes  its  head  negatively,  and  as  the  showing 
of  the  face  is  regarded  as  a proof  that  it  belongs  to  an  innocent 
person,  it  is  told  to  pass.  By  and  by  a spirit  appears  in 
the  saucepan  that  persistently  refuses  to  show  its  face  after 
being  repeatedly  ordered  to  do  so  by  the  medicine  man,  there- 
fore he  stabs  it  with  a splinter  of  bamboo,  and  the  owner  of 
that  spirit,  who  is  the  witch,  is  now  supposed  to  die  very  soon, 
and  thus  release  this  medicine  man’s  client  from  its  malign 
influence.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  a person’s  soul  can  be 
called  from  him  by  a witch-doctor,  for  the  word  used  in  this 
connection  is  elimo,  and  that  means  the  soul  of  a living  person. 
It  is  also  noteworthy  that  they  expect  more  truthfulness  in 
the  soul  of  a person  than  in  the  person  himself. 

The  Boloki  folk,  like  others  more  advanced  in  civilization, 
are  very  anxious  to  know  about  the  future,  so  they  have  a 
soothsayer  whose  special  function  it  is  to  predict  coming 
events.  This  diviner  dances  to  the  beat  of  drums  and  chants, 
the  chorus  being  taken  up  by  all  who  are  present.  When  he 
has  worked  himself  and  his  audience  up  to  a certain  pitch  of 
excitement  he  looks  into  his  fetish  bag  of  medicines,  and  from 
what  he  sees  there  he  foretells  war,  or  the  reverse,  its  success 
or  failure,  and  other  events,  such  as  the  success  or  non-success 
of  a trading  expedition,  fishing  and  hunting  parties,  etc. 

The  natives,  both  male  and  female,  are  not  always  successful 
in  their  love  affairs,  hence  they  have  a special  medicine  man 
who  makes  their  love  philtres.  A woman  takes  the  nail-parings, 

286 


LOVE  PHILTRES 


hair-cuttings,  and  chewed  pith  of  the  sugar-cane  of  the  person 
whose  love  she  desires,  to  this  partieular  “ doctor.”  He  makes 
them  into  a medicine  which,  after  well  drying,  he  pounds  into 
a powder.  This  powder  the  woman  takes  and  blows  over  the 
object  of  her  love  while  he  is  asleep. 

The  man  procures  the  nail-parings  and  hair-cuttings  of  the 
woman  he  loves,  and  carries  them  to  this  maker  of  love  philtres  ; 
but  instead  of  the  powder  being  blown  over  the  sleeping  object 
of  his  passion,  he  mixes  it  with  sugar-cane  wine  and  gives  it 
to  her  to  drink.  A slave  will  use  the  same  method  to  gain  an 
easier  time  from  his  master  or  mistress  ; and  this  philtre  is 
also  used  on  people  to  cause  them  to  forget  a wrong  or  grant 
a request. 

There  are  to  be  found  among  them  witch-doctors  to  help 
them  in  every  emergency  of  life,  and  not  the  least  curious  is 
the  one  who  aids  them  to  vanish  in  the  midst  of  danger.  The 
medicine  man  who  thus  serves  them  takes  his  name  from  the 
charm  he  makes,  which  is  rubbed  on  the  body,  or  tied  on  the 
wrist  or  leg  of  his  client,  who,  when  thus  protected,  can  walk 
right  among  his  enemies,  and  if  they  catch  him  they  find  only 
his  cloth  in  their  hands,  for  the  person  in  the  cloth  has  vanished. 
This  charm  (called  ndemo)  is  largely  used  in  times  of  war,  as  the 
possessor  of  it  can  fight  and  kill  without  being  seen  by  the 
enemy,  and  it  is  also  in  great  favour  with  thieves.  The  charm 
consists  of  a yellow  pigment  rubbed  on  the  temples,  or  “ medi- 
cine ” mixed  with  the  pigment  and  fixed  to  brass  wire  and  tied 
round  the  wrist,  the  leg,  or  the  waist. 

They  frequently  told  me  of  the  wonderful  power  of  this 
eharm  in  rendering  a thief  invisible  ; but  they  never  accepted 
my  challenge  to  put  the  matter  to  the  test.  I offered  to  allow 
any  one  of  them  to  keep  any  article  he  could  steal  in  my  rooms  ; 
the  conditions  were  that  I was  to  be  in  the  room  and  the  thief 
was  to  take  the  article  while  I was  present  and  yet  be  invisible 
to  me — I should  simply  see  the  thing  move,  apparently  of 
itself,  out  of  the  room.  They  said  it  could  be  done,  but  they 
never  proved  it. 


287 


TREATING  SMALLPOX 


When  there  is  smallpox  in  a district  the  nervous  go  to  a medi- 
cine man,  who  makes  small  cuts  on  his  client’s  body  and  sucks 
out  some  blood,  which  he  spits  on  to  a leaf  and  examines  very 
carefully.  If  some  small  threads  are  seen  in  the  blood,  the 
“ doctor  ” points  them  out  to  the  others  present,  and  says 
that  “ as  I have  sucked  out  the  witchcraft  (likundu)  the  person 
will  not  die,  although  he  may  become  infected  with  smallpox.” 
Should  no  threads  be  seen  and  by  and  by  the  person  catches 
smallpox,  his  relatives  will  tell  him  that  he  cannot  recover  unless 
he  confesses  to  having  bewitched  one  or  more  persons.  Under 
pressure  of  constant  nagging  the  patient  will  confess  (and 
who  among  them  has  not  desired  the  death  of  one  or  more 
enemies  and  acquaintances  ?)  to  his  mother,  or  father,  or  to 
an  intimate  friend,  that  he  has  bewitched  several  persons, 
and  will  even  mention  them  by  name  ; and  after  this  confession 
he  may  become  better. 

It  is  a very  crafty  performance.  The  person’s  blood  is  sucked, 
and  the  threads  are  shown,  and  if  he  does  not  have  smallpox, 
then  the  “ doctor  ” has  the  credit  of  having  drawn  all  the  witch- 
craft out  of  him.  If,  however,  he  has  smallpox,  then  he  has 
his  own  witchcraft  in  him  and  that  has  caused  the  illness,  and 
the  only  way  to  ensure  recovery  is  to  confess  his  guilt — this 
exonerates  the  “ doctor.”  If  no  threads  are  seen  in  the  blood 
and  the  person  has  smallpox,  then  his  own  witchcraft  has  given 
it,  and  he  must  confess  ; and  here  again  the  “ doctor  ” is 
cleared.  Now  if  a person  has  not  been  operated  upon  by  the 
“ doctor  ” and  gets  smallpox,  he  must  confess  to  bewitching 
others,  and  should  he  recover,  well,  his  confession  has  cured 
him  ; should  he  die,  then  either  he  has  not  fully  confessed,  or 
someone  else  has  bewitched  him  to  death.  If  a person  does  not 
catch  smallpox,  then  he  is  not  bewitched  by  anyone,  and  he 
himself  has  no  witchcraft. 

During  an  epidemic  of  smallpox  at  Monsembe  in  1893  it  was 
absolutely  impossible  to  isolate  patients,  for,  according  to  their 
belief  regarding  infectious  diseases — that  no  one  would  have  it 
unless  he  were  bewitched  to  have  it — there  was  no  need  for 
isolation.  I have  seen  the  hut  of  a patient  literally  crowded 

288 


A CASE  OF  SLEEPING-SICKNESS 


with  women,  lads,  and  girls,  giving  advice  and  showing  sym- 
pathy with  the  sick.  Many  died  from  the  loathsome  disease. 

This  particular  “ doctor  ” also  looks  at  the  arteries  in  the 
stomach  of  a dead  person  to  discover  whether  the  person  died 
by  his  or  her  own  witchcraft,  or  by  the  witchcraft  of  another. 
For  full  details  see  the  chapter  on  “ Death  and  Burial,”  where 
it  deals  with  death  by  witchcraft. 

A person  suffering  from  sleeping-sickness  has  his  own  special 
“ doctor  ” to  look  after  him.  He  scarifies  the  body  of  the 
patient  with  numerous  cuts,  and  then  sprinkles  hot  water  over 
him,  rubs  pepper  paste  into  the  cuts,  and  puts  a drop  or  two 
of  pepper  juice  in  each  eye.  This  practitioner  is  called  by  the 
natives  nganga  ya  luwa — the  medicine  man  of  sleeping-sickness, 
or  of  the  spirit  that  causes  that  complaint. 

There  are  many  cases  of  debility,  lack  of  energy,  and  anaemia 
in  which  the  symptoms  are  somewhat  similar  to  sleeping- 
sickness,  such  as  drowsiness,  no  desire  to  move  about,  loss  of 
appetite,  etc.  Such  cases  are  greatly  benefited  by  the  massage 
of  warm  water  and  pepper  paste,  and  by  the  change  of  scene 
and  life  necessitated  by  the  visit  to  the  “ doctor’s  ” village  ; 
and  when  the  patients  return  to  their  own  towns  after  four  or 
five  weeks’  treatment,  much  better  and  sometimes  quite  well, 
they  are  regarded  by  the  natives  as  cured  cases  of  sleeping- 
sickness.  The  pepper  juice  in  the  eyes  causes  great  agony,  but 
it  keeps  the  patient  awake  and  moving  about.  The  “ doctor  ” 
puts  various  taboos  on  his  patients,  both  as  to  what  they  shall 
eat  and  how  their  food  shall  be  cooked. 

My  wife  had  a girl  about  fifteen  years  of  age  who  fell  a victim 
to  sleeping-sickness.  She  was  smart  in  her  house-work,  intelli- 
gent and  quick  in  school,  and  neat  and  clean  in  her  person.  She 
gradually  lost  her  smartness,  forgot  all  she  gained  in  school, 
and  became  dirty  and  slovenly  in  her  dress,  etc.  She  also  had 
a temperature  every  morning  of  about  100  degrees  that  yielded 
to  no  treatment.  It  was  an  undoubted  case  of  sleeping-sickness, 
but  as  it  occurred  in  1894  not  much  was  known  of  the  com- 
plaint, and  there  were  very  few  suggestions  as  to  treatment. 
Those  suggestions,  however,  we  followed,  and  the  patient  be- 

289 


T 


SPIRITS  OF  UNBORN  INFANTS 


came  no  better  for  tonics,  bromide  of  potassium,  etc.  I was 
then  told  about  this  kind  of  “ doctor,”  and  finding  there  was 
nothing  really  objectionable  in  his  mode  of  procedure  I asked 
the  girl  if  she  would  like  to  undergo  his  treatment.  She  readily 
expressed  her  wish  to  be  put  under  him,  and  seemed  to  have 
great  faith  in  him.  The  girl  went,  and  I watched  the  treatment 
with  much  interest.  At  first  she  brightened  up  under  the  pepper 
massage,  but  at  last  she  died  in  our  house,  for  finding  the  treat- 
ment failed  we  brought  her,  at  her  own  desire,  baek  to  our 
house. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  I never  came  across  a single  case  of 
true  sleeping-sickness  cured  by  this  class  of  “ doctors.”  There 
are  some  curious  contradictions  about  this  complaint.  In 
some  cases  there  is  loss  of  aj^petite,  and  in  others  a ravenous 
hunger  ; in  some  great  drowsiness,  and  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  keep  the  patient  awake,  in  others  entire  insomnia  ; in  some 
saneness  to  the  last,  but  others  exhibit  insanity  and  even  violent 
madness. 

When  a boy  or  girl  is  very  thin  and  weakly,  his  father  kills 
a monkey,  or  buys  a large  pieee  of  meat  or  a big  fish  and  sends 
for  the  medicine  man,  who  has  a reputation  for  conversing  with 
the  spirits  of  unborn  ehildren  (called  hingbongbo),  and  interpret- 
ing their  demands.  On  his  arrival  he  shuts  himself  up  in 
one  of  his  client’s  houses  and  is  heard  to  speak  with  these  spirits. 
After  a time  he  comes  out  and  tells  his  client  that  the  spirits 
complain  because  he  has  never  given  them  a feast,  and  that  if 
he  desires  to  see  his  son  improve  in  health  he  must  at  once  pre- 
pare one  for  them. 

The  father  gives  the  monkey,  meat,  or  fish  he  has  procured 
ready  for  this  demand.  It  is  cooked  and  the  medicine  man 
takes  the  food  on  a plate  into  the  house,  puts  it  down  on  the 
floor  and,  coming  out,  shuts  the  door.  After  a time  he  again 
enters  the  house,  brings  out  the  plate  and  shows  that  the  food 
has  partly  disappeared,  and  that  the  edge  of  the  plate  is  smeared 
with  the  food  (there  are  always  plenty  of  rats  and  mice  in  a 
native  hut).  This  is  accepted  as  evidence  that  the  spirits  have 
partaken  of  the  feast,  and  the  patient  will  get  better  as  the 

290 


^ [Jiev.  A’.  //.  Ki^'kland 

A Charm  for  Increasing  the  Birth  Rate 

The  scarcity  of  children  in  the  Libinza  Lake  villages  alarmed  the  inhabitants  considerably,  so  they  paid  a large  sum  to  a witch-doctor 

to  set  up  this  fetish  that  their  progeny  might  be  increased. 


THE  WITCH-FINDER 


offering  has  been  accepted.  The  medicine  man  gives  the  patient 
a new  name — if  a girl,  Bolumbu,  and  if  a boy,  Loleka. 

The  spirits  of  unborn  babies  are  supposed  to  be  supplied  to 
the  family  preserves  (called  liboma)  by  the  disembodied  spirits 
of  the  deceased  members  of  the  family.  These  are  responsible 
for  keeping  the  preserves  well  filled  with  spirits  awaiting  birth. 
The  preserves  may  be  a pool  on  an  island,  a pond  in  the  bush 
or  forest,  or  a great  bombax  tree. 

The  “ doctor  ” who  deals  with  madness  has  simply  a sauce- 
pan of  water  in  which  he  mixes  some  medicines,  and  the  patient 
immerses  his  face  every  day  in  it,  and  then  he  drops  some  juices 
from  plants  into  his  eyes  until  the  person  is  cured  of  his  mad- 
ness. Madness  is  called  mokalala,  and  the  “ doctor  ” who 
treats  it  is  named  by  that  title  also — the  “ doctor  for  madness.” 

When  the  death  of  a prominent  man  has  occurred,  and  the 
“ doctor  for  witchcraft  ” has  inspected  the  entrails  of  the 
deceased  and  has  stated  that  the  departed  one  was  bewitched 
to  death,  the  family  then  calls  in  the  witch-finder  to  point  out 
the  person  guilty  of  that  detestable  thing  called  witchcraft. 
The  usual  fee  is  one  slave,  but  if  the  witch-finder  is  a very 
famous  one  he  will  demand  and  receive  two  slaves.  He  insists 
on  receiving  his  fee  before  he  begins  operations,  as  he  may  have 
to  rush  off  with  undignified  haste  directly  he  has  pointed  out 
the  witch,  for  the  accused  person  does  not  always  take  the 
charge  quietly,  but  sometimes  rushes  off  for  spear  or  gun  to  kill 
his  accuser,  hence  the  demand  for  the  fee  first. 

The  people  gather  on  the  appointed  day  in  a large  circle,  and 
the  medicine  man,  dressed  las  a woman  in  skins  and  cloths 
fantastically  arranged,  his  face,  legs,  and  arms  decorated  with 
pigments  of  various  colours,  takes  his  place  in  the  centre  and 
dances  throughout  the  whole  of  the  first  day  to  the  beat  of 
drums.  Towards  the  end  of  afternoon  of  the  second  day  he 
points  out  the  witch,  and  then  hurries  at  once  to  his  waiting 
canoe.  The  accused  must  take  the  ordeal  and  abide  by  the 
result.  The  “ doctor  of  the  mat  ” very  often  performs  this 
ceremony  of  discovering  the  witch. 

There  is  another  class  of  medicine  men  who  scrape  their 

291 


WITCH  SPIRITS  STEALING  SOULS 


eyes  with  the  sharp  edge  of  the  sugar-eane  grass,  whieh  opera- 
tion elears  the  vision  and  enables  them  to  see  spirit  witehes 
afar  off  and  frustrate  their  evil  designs.  lie  pretends  to  see  the 
witeh  at  night  running  off  with  the  soul  of  a person,  and  this 
soul  he  reseues  and  restores  to  its  owner.  The  next  day  the 
medieine  man  will  go  to  the  owner  of  the  soul  he  reseued  and 
say  : “ Last  night  I saw  a witch  spirit  running  away  with  your 
soul,  and  I stopped  it  or  you  would  be  dead  by  now.”  And  then 
he  demands  a present,  which  is  at  once  given  through  fear ; 
for  if  they  refuse  to  satisfy  this  medicine  man  he  will  allow  the 
witch  spirit  to  escape  another  time  with  the  soul,  and  death  will 
be  the  result. 

Now  a man  who  has  many  and  powerful  enemies  needs 
someone  to  help  him,  and  there  is  a special  branch  of  the  pro- 
fession created  on  purpose  to  render  him  assistance.  Such  a 
man  goes  to  a proper  medicine  man,  who  will  give  him  a medicine 
that  will  overawe  or  soothe  his  enemies  so  that  they  will  no 
longer  desire  to  work  him  any  harm.  They  will  become  subject 
to  his  will  and  influence.  This  medicine  man  (he  goes  by  the 
name  of  nganga  if  elembia=overawe,  subdue,  soothe)  also 
initiates  his  clients  into  various  tricks  for  striking  awe  into  the 
onlookers  that  they  may  fear  their  power,  and  respect  them 
accordingly. 

When  a man  is  ill,  or  has  lost  a relative  by  death,  he  may 
in  his  vexation  accuse  the  other  members  of  his  family  of  ^vitch- 
craft.  They  of  course  indignantly  deny  the  charge,  so  the 
accuser  challenges  them  to  drink  the  water  from  a fetish 
bell.  Should  anyone  refuse  to  drink  from  the  fetish  bell  he  is 
regarded  as  guilty  of  witchcraft.  If,  however,  they  agree  to 
accept  the  challenge  the  particular  kind  of  medicine  man  who 
operates  with  the  fetish  bell  is  called,  and  on  his  arrival  he  gives 
to  each  person  a draught  to  drink  from  his  fetish  bell.  And  it  is 
firmly  believed  that  the  one  guilty  of  witchcraft  will  soon  die 
from  the  effects  of  the  bell  medicine,  whereas  the  innocent  will 
suffer  no  inconvenience  from  it. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above-mentioned  medicine  men  that 
the  natives  have  a medicine  man  to  help  them  in  every  emer- 

292 


THREE  KINDS  OF  WITCHCRAFT 


gency  of  life,  and  also  one  to  control,  soothe,  or  destroy  every 
kind  of  spirit  that  is  likely  to  do  them  any  harm  personally, 
and  bring  any  sort  of  misfortune  or  ill-luck  upon  them.  How- 
ever, witehcraft  is  at  the  bottom  of  all  their  fears,  and  it 
will  be  noticed  that  the  majority  of  the  different  branches  of 
medicine  men  deal  with,  or  pretend  to  avert,  that  most 
dreaded  and  hated  thing  witchcraft. 

There  are  three  kinds  of  witches  among  the  Boloki  people, 
viz.  the  active,  that  is  the  person  who  fees  a medicine  man  to 
kill  his  enemy  or  procures  some  medicine  to  do  him  to  death. 
The  passive,  that  is  the  person  who  in  a temper,  or  because  of 
some  grievance,  wishes  So-and-so  were  dead,  or  in  a curse  shouts 
at  his  tormentor  and  oppressor  : “ May  you  die  quickly  ” ; 
but  takes  no  active  measures  to  procure  the  death  of  the  said 
person.  There  is  scarcely  a person  who  has  not  wished  for  the 
death  of  one  or  more  persons ; and  when  the  ordeal  of  the 
fetish  bell  is  administered  and  the  drinker  of  the  “ bell  water  ” 
has  not  desired  the  death  or  illness  of  that  particular  person  he 
feels  secure  ; but  if  he  has  desired  the  death  of  that  person  he 
feels  nervous,  doubtful,  refuses  to  drink  the  ordeal  and  is 
accused  of  witchcraft  or  drinks  it  and  perhaps  dies  from  sheer 
fear.  The  third  kind  of  witch  might  be  called  the  self-inflicted 
one,  that  is,  a person  in  utter  misery  desires  to  die,  and  the 
witchcraft  works  in  him  and  he  dies ; the  natives  think  that 
many  people  die  by  their  own  wtchcraft.  On  the  Lower  Congo 
I found  no  idea  of  suicidal  witchcraft  among  the  people. 

I think  many  of  the  medicine  men  thoroughly  believe  in 
themselves ; and  even  those  who  assert  that  they  see  spirits 
or  have  performed  such  wonders  as  living  under  the  water  for 
seven  days,  or  making  their  spear  shake  and  talk  relate  the 
incident  so  often  that  they  come  to  believe  that  they  really  did 
it.  Many  of  the  people  before  we  went  there  had  no  faith  in  the 
medicine  men ; but  they  were  afraid  to  oppose  or  ridicule  them 
foe.  fear  of  being  charged  with  witchcraft,  so  they  pretended  to 
accept  all  that  was  said  and  done  by  them.  Our  presence  in- 
spired many  with  the  courage  to  test  the  witch-doctors,  and 
finding  them  frauds  they  turned  from  them  with  contempt. 

293 


CHAPTER  XXI 


TABOOS  AND  CURSES 

Variety  of  taboos— The  totem  taboo — The  permanent  taboo — The  inherited 
taboo — The  temporary  taboo— Circumcision  taboo — Canoe-maker’s  taboo 
— Mourner’s  taboo — Cursing  a wife — Taboo  of  sympathy — Father’s  curse 
on  a child — Kicking  a person’s  foot — Various  curses — Different  oaths — 
Giving  tokens. 

Taboos  are  the  prohibitions  and  restrictions  put  on 
things  and  actions  by  the  witch-doctor  during  and 
after  an  illness,  by  the  family  totems,  and  temporarily 
by  the  individual  himself.  They  are  the  “ thou  shalt  nots  ” of 
fetishism.  To  disobey  them  is  to  risk  dire  consequences  to 
health  of  body,  to  success  in  expeditions,  and  to  one’s  luck. 
Among  the  Boloki  the  outraged  spiritual  powers  are  supposed 
to  avenge  themselves  on  the  breakers  of  the  taboo.  The  taboos 
send  their  ramifications  into  every  part  of  native  life,  thought, 
and  action.  There  is  not  a single  article  of  food  that  is  not 
taboo  to  someone,  there  is  not  a place  that  has  not  been 
tabooed  at  some  time  or  other,  and  there  is  not  a possible 
action  that  has  not  been,  or  is  not,  affected  by  taboo.  When  a 
witch-doctor  tells  his  patient  that  he  is  not  to  eat  goat’s  meat, 
then  goat’s  meat  to  that  man  is  tabooed,  forbidden,  unlawful 
for  that  man  to  eat ; and  should  he  break  the  taboo  by  eating 
goat’s  meat,  then  he  believes  that  a serious  relapse  will  follow 
and  probably  death. 

The  taboos  are  many  and  various,  but  most  of  them  fall 
under  the  following  heads  : The  totem  taboo  (called  mokumbti) 
is  not  so  evident  to  the  casual  observer  among  the  Bololi  people, 

294 


THE  TOTEM  TABOO 

and  I might  say  among  Congo  people  generally,  as  it  is  in  other 
parts  of  the  world.  One  family  that  I know  may  not  eat  a 
certain  snake,  and  another  may  not  eat  fowls.  If  the  men  of 
these  families  kill  and  eat  their  totems  they  will  become  thin 
and  weak ; the  women  will  not  only  become  thin  but  sterile ; 
and  the  pregnant  woman  who  breaks  her  totem  taboo  will  be 
delivered  of  a weak  child,  who  will  remain  thin  and  undersized 
all  his  life. 

To  another  family  a tree  with  small  edible  fruit  (named 
mwenge)  is  a totem.  The  tree  must  not  be  cut  down,  nor  its 
fruit  eaten,  and  if  by  any  mistake  a woman  of  this  family 
burns  it  while  pregnant  she  carefully  saves  the  ashes,  i.e. 
instead  of  throwing  them  away  she  puts  them  in  a special  place 
apart  from  the  usual  heap  of  refuse,  otherwise  her  child  will  bt 
born  emaciated  and  weakly.  Strange  to  say,  the  boys  and  girls 
of  the  family  before  puberty  may  eat  the  fruit  of  this  tree  with- 
out any  evil  consequences. 

Another  family  has  a plant  with  red  leaves  (called  nkungu) 
as  a totem.  When  a woman  of  this  family  becomes  enceinte 
for  the  first  time  a nkungu  is  planted  near  the  hearth  outside 
the  house,  and  it  is  never  destroyed,  or  the  child  will  be  born 
thin  and  weak  and  remain  very  small  and  sickly.  The  healthy 
life  of  the  children  and  family  is  bound  up  with  the  healthiness 
and  life  of  the  totem  tree  as  respected  and  preserved  by  the 
family.  The  killing  of  a fowl  by  a member  of  the  snake  family, 
and  vice  versa,  does  not  affect  the  family  whose  totem  it  is. 

When  a free  woman  marries  she  takes  her  totem  with  her 
and  observes  not  only  her  own,  but  also  her  husband’s  totem. 
And  any  child  born  to  them  takes  the  totem  of  both  parents 
until  there  is  a family  council  of  the  paternal  and  maternal 
branches,  when  it  is  generally  arranged  that  the  child  shall  in 
future  observe  its  father’s  totem. 

These  notes  contain  all  the  information  I could  gather 
relating  to  their  totems  ; and  I received  the  impression  that  the 
totem  taboo  is  gradually  dying  out.  This  is  also  the  impression 
I have  about  the  totems  on  the  Lower  Congo,  where  one  finds 

295 


THE  PERMANENT  TABOO 


only  a vestige  of  what  was  once  probably  a potent  factor  in 
their  family  life. 

Then  there  is  the  'permanent  taboo  (called  ngili).  This  taboo 
is  put  on  any  kind  of  food,  as,  “ You  must  not  eat  goat’s  meat  ” ; 
or,  ongoing  to  a certain  place,  as,  “You  must  not  go  across  the 
river  to  a particular  island  ” ; or,  on  performing  a particular 
action,  as,  “You  must  always  drink  sugar-cane  wine  through 
a reed,  never  straight  out  of  a vessel  of  any  kind.”  This  taboo 
must  be  carefully  observed  by  the  person  under  it  as  long  as  he 
lives  or  serious  consequences  will  follow  the  breaking  of  it,  such 
as  a return  of  the  sickness  from  which  the  person  was  suffering 
when  placed  under  this  taboo,  or  a loss  of  property  and  life, 
or  the  sickness  and  death  of  a child. 

Every  kind  of  food  is  ngili  to  someone,  and  it  is  no  uncommon 
sound  to  hear  a person  going  through  the  town  crying  out : 
“ Exchange  for  piece  of  antelope.”  That  means  that  someone 
has  come  into  possession  of  a portion  of  antelope  to  whom  it  is 
taboo,  so  he  (or  she)  is  trying  to  exchange  it  for  fish  or  some- 
thing else  that  is  not  taboo  to  him  with  someone  to  whom 
antelope  is  not  taboo. 

This  permanent  taboo  {ngili)  is  very  frequently  an  inherited 
one.  A man  has,  say,  elephantiasis  and  the  “ medicine  man  ” 
says  he  is  not  to  eat  cither  elephant  or  hippopotamus  flesh  (both 
these  animals  have  stout  legs),  and  the  man  will  pass  on  this 
taboo  to  his  sons,  who  will  carefully  observe  it  lest  their  legs 
become  “ swollen  like  an  elephant’s.” 

Milk  is  tabooed  by  all  and  regarded  with  great  abhorrence. 
Anyone  drinking  it  is  considered  unclean  (bosoto)  for  several 
days,  and  is  not  allowed  to  eat  with  his  family.  They  may 
touch  milk,  for  they  milk  our  goats  and  sheep  and  carry  it  to 
us  without  suffering  any  defilement,  but  it  must  not  touch  their 
lips.  A house  boy  of  mine  was  known  to  have  drunk  some 
water  out  of  a milky  glass,  and  he  was  not  permitted  to  eat  Avith 
his  family  for  five  days.  The  natives  could  give  no  reason  for 
this,  but  only  stated  that  it  was  their  custom.  The  eating  of 
raw  eggs  is  also  tabooed  by  all,  and  the  breaker  of  this  taboo  is 

296 


THE  TEMPORARY  TABOO 


not  allowed  to  eat  with  his  family  for  a few  days.  They  eat 
well-eooked  eggs  no  matter  how  unsavoury  they  may  be 
through  age.  I may  say  in  passing  that  the  more  ancient  an 
egg  is  the  better  it  is  liked  by  the  native,  and  they  do  not 
appreciate  our  preference  for  fresh  eggs.  If  a native  gives  an 
aged  egg  to  a white  man  as  an  expression  of  gratitude  it  does 
not  mean  that  he  is  giving  it  because  it  is  bad  and  worthless 
to  himself,  but  because  it  is  to  him  better  than  a fresh  egg,  and 
he  thinks  it  is  so  to  you  until  he  learns  better,  and  then  he  will 
bring  fresh  ones. 

The  temporary  taboo  {mungilu)  covers  a large  number  of 
different  circumstances  that,  according  to  the  native  view  of 
life,  call  for  a taboo.  During  pregnancy  a woman  is  placed  under 
a taboo,  generally  that  she  is  not  to  eat  a certain  kind  of  food — 
not  the  same  article  of  food  to  every  woman,  but  according  to 
the  momentary  whim  of  the  “ doctor  ” — and  this  she  observes 
until  the  medicine  man  removes  it  either  on  the  birth  of  the 
child  or  when  it  is  weaned,  or  the  first  time  the  child  has  its 
hair  cut. 

Some  pregnant  women  are  told  not  to  throw  the  ashes  of 
their  fires  away  until  their  children  reach  the  age  of  twelve  or 
fourteen.  The  ashes  are  therefore  carefully  gathered  and  put 
into  a special  place.  These  women,  however,  belong  to  families 
which  have  trees  and  shrubs  for  totems,  and  for  fear  of  scatter- 
ing the  ashes  of  their  totem  trees  inadvertently  burnt  they 
have  to  put  all  the  ashes  of  their  fires  in  a particular  place,  thus 
honouring  all  ashes  to  avert  the  possibility  of  being  disrespect- 
ful to  the  ashes  of  their  totem  trees. 

A witch-doctor  may  say  that  on  account  of  a certain  sickness 
the  patient  must  not  eat  a particular  kind  of  food,  and  the 
food  he  may  eat  must  be  prepared  in  a special  way,  say,  cooked 
in  forest  water  and  not  in  water  taken  from  the  river.  When, 
however,  the  man  is  better  a feast  is  prepared,  and  then  all 
kinds  of  food  are  cooked  in  the  ordinary  way,  including  the 
interdicted  articles,  and  the  patient  partakes  of  them  and  the 
prohibitions  are  removed. 


297 


CURSING  A WIFE 


Lads  who  have  been  circumcised  must  remain  indoors  until 
the  wounds  are  healed,  and  during  that  time  they  are  not  to 
eat  the  heads  and  tails  of  fish.  When  a man  is  making  a canoe 
he  ties  a piece  of  a cactus-like  plant  to  the  log  he  is  working,  and 
while  working  on  it  he  must  not  drink  any  water,  otherwise  the 
canoe  will  leak.  The  charm  also  wards  off  evil  influences  and 
keeps  the  canoe  from  warping.  Members  of  a deceased  person’s 
family  are  forbidden  to  sleep  for  two  or  three  weeks  on  their 
ordinary  beds,  and  must  sleep  on  leaves  spread  on  the  ground. 
After  the  mourning  they  have  a drinking-bout  of  sugar-cane 
wine,  to  which  all  the  town  is  invited,  after  which  they  return 
to  their  ordinary  sleeping-mats  on  the  raised  frame.  The  pro- 
hibitions on  fishermen  and  hunters  have  already  been  men- 
tioned. 

Sometimes  a man  in  a rage  will  put  himself  under  a taboo. 
A wife  by  her  conduct  has  irritated  him  beyond  all  endurance, 
and  at  last  in  anger  he  strikes  on  the  ground  with  a stick,  and 
says  : “ May  I be  cursed  if  ever  I eat  food  cooked  by  you.” 
He  is  now  under  a taboo  (mungilu)  not  to  eat  food  from  that 
woman’s  hands.  Such  a mode  of  procedure  will  bring  the  woman 
to  her  senses,  for  undoubtedly  the  taboo  and  curse  go  further 
than  the  mere  non-eating  of  food  cooked  by  her.  It  means 
that  he  has  put  a taboo  on  her  and  will  have  nothing  more  to 
do  with  her,  or  the  curse  will  come  on  him  in  the  form  of  a severe 
disease. 

By  and  by  the  woman  is  sorry  for  her  conduct,  and  begs  the 
husband  to  remove  himself  from  under  the  curse  by  removing 
the  taboo  of  having  nothing  more  to  do  with  her.  Should  he 
after  a time  relent,  the  curse  is  removed  by  the  following  cere- 
mony, which  is  called  reversing,  or  undoing,  of  the  beating  of 
the  ground  : A trench  is  dug  while  some  women  sing  : “ Re- 
move the  curse,  the  curse  of  beating  on  the  ground  ” {Bondola 
bondo  mohondo  hondo).  A spot  of  red  camwood  powder  is 
rubbed  on  the  woman’s  chest,  or  as  they  say,  “ over  the 
heart,”  the  taboo  and  curse  are  removed  and  the  pair  are 
reconciled. 


298 


FATHER’S  CURSE  ON  A CHILD 


Men  and  women  to  express  their  sympathy  with  a sick 
parent  or  relative  will  make  a vow,  saying  : “I  wiU  not  eat 
fowls,”  or,  “ I will  not  go  to  Lulanga  until  my  father  is  better.” 
Should  the  father  die,  then  the  person  who  made  the  self- 
imposed  taboo  must  not  eat  any  more  fowls,  or  must  never 
go  again  to  Lulanga.  These  vows  are  very  carefully  observed, 
or  a disease  will  result  from  breaking  them. 

A person  therefore  can  be  under  four  taboos,  viz. : (1)  The 
totem  taboo  {mokumbu)  of  his  family.  (2)  The  taboo  {ngili), 
because  of  a serious  illness  and  the  desire  to  avert  a relapse. 
(3)  The  inherited  taboo  (also  ngili),  to  avoid  a complaint  from 
which  the  father  suffered.  (4)  The  temporary  taboo  {mungilu) 
of  anger  and  sympathy. 

This  may  be  the  best  place  in  which  to  mention  their  curses, 
for  they  are  often  interwoven  with  their  taboos.  A very  commcn 
curse  employed  on  most  occasions  is  to  strike  on  the  ground 
with  a stick,  and  at  the  same  time  mention  the  name  of  the 
person  cursed  ; and  the  person  thus  cursed  will  have  a very 
bad  form  of  dysentery,  and  the  curser  may  say  : “ May  I be 
cursed  if  ever  I do  such  and  such  a thing  ” ; thus  the  curser  will 
become  subject  to  the  disease  should  he  break  his  word. 

A person  curses  an  adult  relative  in  the  following  manner  : 
He  rubs  his  thighs,  bends  down,  and  turns  his  back  towards  the 
one  to  be  cursed  and  shouts  : “ Be  accursed.”  This  is  also 
done  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  as  an  insolent  curse  on  them. 
Early  morning  is  said  to  be  the  best  time  for  making  it  effective. 
I have  seen  this  performed  several  times,  and  the  person  so 
cursed  has  hurled  his  knife  or  spear  at  the  curser. 

A father,  or  guardian,  curses  his  child  by  words,  and  then 
the  child  will  neither  grow  properly  nor  become  wise  or  rich  ; 
but  this  is  only  resorted  to  on  great  provocation.  Should  the 
child  become  penitent  and  apologize  for  his  evil  ways,  he  takes 
a large  fish  or  monkey  or  a goat  to  his  father  and  begs  him  to 
remove  the  curse.  The  father  accepts  the  present,  and  then 
chewing  the  stem  of  a certain  shrub  (called  munsangasanga), 
he  expectorates  the  pieces  out  on  to  the  palm  of  his  child’s 

299 


VARIOUS  CURSES 


hand,  saying  ; “ What  I said  I said  in  anger,  and  I now  remove 
the  curse.”  The  child  is  comforted  and  the  two  are  reconciled. 

To  kick  or  touch  a person  accidentally,  while  passing  him, 
with  the  foot  is  equivalent  to  cursing  him.  The  person  must 
turn  round  and  slightly  kick  again  the  person  whom  he  touched 
with  his  foot,  otherwise  bad  luck,  etc.,  will  come  upon  the 
person  kicked.  Where  we  apologize  they  kick  again,  and 
the  phrase  used  for  the  second  kick  means,  “ to  reverse  the 
effects  of  the  first  kick.”  They  are  exceedingly  careful  not  to 
touch  a person  with  the  foot  in  passing — that  brings  bad  luck, 
and  not  to  step  over  a person — that  is  an  insult.  A person 
moving  out  of  a sitting  crowd  of  folk  shuffles  his  feet  along  the 
ground  so  as  to  avoid  stepping  over  anyone,  and  will  tell  those 
squatting  around  to  draw  their  feet  up  out  of  the  way  so  as 
not  to  touch  them. 

There  are  other  curses  used  by  old  and  young  alike  during 
fits  of  passionate  anger,  as,  “ May  you  die  by  witchcraft  ” ; 
or,  “ May  you  die  by  euphorbia  poison  ” ; or,  “ Cry  for  your 
mother,”  i.e.  May  your  mother  die.  The  last  is  a curse  bitterly 
resented,  and  is  only  uttered  when  a person  is  greatly  exasper- 
ated. When  a person  is  undergoing  any  ordeal  test  he  re- 
peatedly uses  the  word  ngamhu,  which  means  : “ If  I am  guilty, 
let  the  ordeal  work  against  me ; but  if  I am  innocent,  then  let 
my  accuser  be  accursed  and  die.”  The  ngamhu  curse  is  greatly 
dreaded  by  all  natives. 

Promises  and  oaths  are  ratified  by  each  contracting  party 
putting  a curse  on  the  other  should  he  break  his  oath  ; and 
illness  and  bad  luek  are  often  regarded  as  due  to  unfaithfulness 
to  one’s  oath.  Sometimes  taboos  are  put  on  one  another  by 
the  contracting  parties,  and  so  long  as  the  taboos  are  carefully 
observed  they  are  reckoned  as  faithful  to  their  promises  and 
oaths.  This  is  specially  so  in  the  covenant  of  blood-brotherhood, 
and  to  disregard  the  taboo  is  to  court  either  death  or  some 
great  disaster.  Many  of  their  folk-lore  stories  are  illustrative 
of  the  evil  consequences  resulting  from  the  breaking  of  blood- 
brotherhood  taboos. 


300 


GIVING  TOKENS 


Oaths  are  freely  used  by  the  Boloki  in  their  conversation, 
and  such  liars  are  they  that  they  feel  it  necessary  to  back  their 
statements  with,  “ I swear  it  ” (ndai).  The  commonest  form 
of  oath  is,  “ Cut  my  throat  ” {tena  nkingu),  and  is  always  accom- 
panied by  the  speaker  wetting  his  finger  and  drawing  it  across 
his  throat.  “ By  my  mother  ” {nta  mama),  and  “ By  my  father  ” 
{nta  tala)  are  very  strong  oaths  and  are  felt  to  be  binding  on 
the  user  of  them,  otherwise  disaster  will  follow  if  the  state- 
ments to  which  they  are  affixed  are  not  true,  or  the  promises 
to  which  they  are  attached  are  not  fulfilled.  “ Truly  so,  by  my 
mother  ” [hwele  unko  mama),  and  “Truly  so,  by  my  father” 
(bwele  unko  lata),  are  not  regarded  as  being  so  strong  as  the 
former  two,  but  they  infer  that  the  speaker  pledges  himself 
that  his  words  are  true,  otherwise  his  mother  or  father  will 
suffer. 

A piece  of  stick,  tin,  or  anything  handy  is  cut  into  pieces,  and 
each  combatant  or  disputant  takes  a portion  as  a token  that 
all  matters  of  dispute  are  finished,  and  he  who  again  starts 
one  of  the  old  quarrels  calls  down  a curse  upon  himself.  This 
cutting  of  a token  [iena  ndanga)  is  also  done  by  the  party  who 
loses  a case.  He  gives  a portion  of  the  cut  token  as  an  earnest 
of  the  payment  of  expenses,  and  of  the  fine  imposed  by  those 
who  judged  the  case,  and  if  he  does  not  redeem  it  he  is  under 
a curse  and  will  suffer  accordingly. 


301 


CHAPTER  XXII 


NATIVE  CHARMS  AND  THEIR  USES 


A general  name — No  sacrifices  to  them — Preventive  charms— Thief  s charm 
and  antidote — Charm  for  rendering  the  ownerattractive— Helpful  charms 
in  war — Modes  of  dealing  with  witchcraft — Certain  charms  for  certain 
spirits— For  success  in  fishing— To  detect  a murderer— To  preserve  goats 
in  health — Giving  ordeal  to  a son. 


HE  general  name  for  fetish,  charm,  amulet,  talisman. 


mascot,  etc.,  is  bonganga ; and  this  is  also  the  word 


for  the  skill  or  art  of  the  medicine  man — that  which 
constitutes  him  a member  of  the  profession.  It  is,  howev'er, 
difficult  to  decide  whether  this  skill  arises  from  his  own  inherent 
intuitions  or  is  imparted  to  him  by  his  own  powerful  fetish — 
the  word  bonganga  favours  both  views.  The  prefix  “ bo  ” can 
indicate  the  thing  into  which  a medicine  man  has  put  his'power, 
hence  a charm,  fetish,  etc.  ; and  it  also  denotes  a noun  of 
quality,  and  thus  points  to  the  skilfulness,  art,  etc.,  or  that 
quality  by  which  the  witch-doctor  is  able  to  perform  his  magic. 
It  is  very  probable  that  both  views  are  necessary  for  a complete 
understanding  of  the  word — it  is  a thing  into  which  the  medicine 
man  has  put  his  power,  and  it  is  also  the  skill,  art,  power,  etc.,  by 
which  he  imparts  it  and  by  which  he  works  as  a witch-doctor. 

No  offerings  are  presented  to  charms,  and  there  is  no  mode 
of  refreshing  them  as  on  the  Lower  Congo  ; but  when  a charm 
does  not  act  as  it  should  the  owner  takes  it  back  to  the  medicine 
man  to  have  some  more  “ medicine  ” put  into  it,  as  it  is  thought 
that  the  old  has  beeomc  ineffective  through  being  played  out. 
Images  are  not  used  among  the  Boloki,  but  various  artieles  are 
employed  to  conserve  the  fetish  power  imparted  to  them. 


302 


NO  SACRIFICES  TO  THEM 


The  charms  belonging  to  the  witch-doctors  have  been  handed 
down  from  time  immemorial  and  the  various  “ doctors  ” make 
the  amulets,  charms,  etc.,  for  the  people.  The  larger  the  fee 
the  more  powerful  the  charm. 

In  writing  about  the  Boloki  charms  it  is  very  difficult  to 
classify  them,  for  they  so  frequently  overlap  each  other  in  their 
operations.  I have  collected  the  names  of  a large  number  of 
their  charms,  etc.,  and  when  describing  some  of  them  I shall  have 
to  repeat  a little  of  the  information  given  under  the  heading  of 
“ Medicine  Men  and  their  Magic  ” ; but  I will  avoid  more  repeti- 
tion than  is  necessary  to  put  the  reader  in  touch  with  the 
supposed  powers  of  the  charm. 

There  are  those  charms  that  hel'p  them  in  dire  distress,  and 
among  the  most  potent  of  them  is  the  ekando,  which  really 
means  a snag  hidden  under  the  water.  The  owner  of  this 
charm  can  cause  a snag  to  break  the  canoe  of  his  pursuing 
enemies.  In  the  excitement  of  a chase  the  paddlers  do  not 
always  look  where  they  are  going  and  will  run  on  a hidden  snag, 
and  the  impact  will  split  the  canoe  and  the  charm  has  the  credit 
for  it.  Many  trees  topple  from  the  bank  into  the  river,  and  by 
and  by  the  jagged  end  of  a large  branch  will  be  just  under 
water  as  the  river  rises  and  falls,  and  this  favours  the  belief 
in  the  powers  of  the  ekando  charm.  I have  been  nearly  thrown 
out  of  my  canoe  two  or  three  times  from  running  on  a covered 
snag,  and  they  are  a source  of  considerable  danger  to  river 
steamers. 

The  owner  of  this  charm  has  the  power  also  to  call  on  the 
hippopotami  and  crocodiles  to  help  him  when  hard  pressed 
by  his  foes.  Hippopotami  quite  unintentionally,  in  coming  up 
to  breathe,  overturn  a canoe  ; and  crocodiles  have  the  trick  of 
coming  up  suddenly  by  the  side  of  a canoe  and  causing  the 
paddlers  to  start  so  violently  that  they  upset  the  canoe.  The 
crocodile  takes  a man  and  goes  off. 

Another  charm  with  curious  power  is  the  “ fetish  axe  ” 
(ekoko).  The  possessor  when  desirous  of  eluding  his  enemies 
takes  the  “ axe  ” in  his  hand  and  beats  an  island  with  it,  where- 

303 


PREVENTIVE  CHARMS 


upon  the  island  splits  and  he  passes  through  the  opening,  which 
at  once  closes  behind  him,  and  he  is  safe.  The  numerous  creeks 
and  inlets  favour  this  superstition. 

Another  charm  on  much  the  same  lines  as  the  two  already 
mentioned,  is  the  jelo  or  sandbank.  The  lucky  owner  of  this 
charm,  when  escape  from  the  enemy  is  otherwise  impossible, 
will  take  a handful  of  sand  and  throw  it  towards  his  pursuers, 
and  a sandbank  will  immediately  form  and  stop  their  progress 
until  the  owner  of  the  jelo  charm  is  far  beyond  their  reach.  The 
innumerable  and  ever-changing  sandbanks  in  the  river  favour 
this  belief. 

On  one  occasion  the  folk  were  much  troubled  by  steamers 
calling  at  Monsembe,  the  crews  of  which  took  every  oppor- 
tunity of  robbing  the  people.  The  natives  therefore  decided 
to  employ  this  charm  by  making  a series  of  sandbanks  across 
the  channels,  thus  preventing  the  approach  of  steamers.  I 
informed  them  that  we  were  expecting  our  steamer  the  Peace, 
and  they  must  not  shut  her  out  or  we  should  run  short  of  pro- 
vision and  barter  goods. 

“ We  will  leave  an  opening  for  your  steamer,”  they  assured 
me  as  they  continued  the  ceremony. 

A couple  of  days  afterwards  a State  steamer  came  in  sight, 
the  very  kind  of  steamer  they  wanted  to  keep  out.  “ How  did 
that  steamer  pass  your  sandbanks  ? ” I quietly  asked. 

“ Oh,”  they  replied  nonchalantly,  “ some  mischievous  boy 
must  have  bewitched  our  line  of  sandbanks  and  caused  several 
openings.”  I have  never  found  them  lacking  a loophole  out  of 
difficulties  of  this  kind. 

There  are  various  preventive  charms  to  maintain  them  in 
good  health,  to  ward  off  the  return  of  a sickness,  preserve  them 
from  wounds,  and  to  protect  their  property.  A cross  stick  on 
uprights  (called  mokando),  rubbed  with  red  camwood  powder 
and  arranged  with  a noose  to  catch  witches  that  try  to  enter  a 
house  or  village,  is  regarded  as  a health-preserver  to  a household 
and  to  a community.  Or  a medicine  man  can  take  certain  stalks, 
or  anything  else  to  hand,  and  after  putting  a charm  into  it  he 

304 


PREVENTIVE  CHARMS 


can  lay  it  along  or  across  any  path,  and  neither  witch  nor  dis- 
embodied spirit  desiring  to  commit  evil  in  the  village  will  be 
able  to  cross  this  charm  {jeko)  into  the  village. 

A forked  stick  {mutumu)  is  carried  by  a man  who  has  had 
rheumatism  as  a charm  against  the  return  of  the  complaint ; 
but  if  the  stick  is  touched  by  anyone  else,  or  broken,  the  man 
will  have  a serious  relapse.  A brass  ring  with  a few  wood 
knots  threaded  on  it,  or  a piece  of  string  with  knots  tied  in  it, 
are  both  used  for  curing  and  for  preventing  diarrhoea,  especially 
in  children. 

The  mpeie  is  a charm  to  preserve  the  owner  from  being 
wounded  in  a fight,  but  for  it  to  be  effective  the  owner’s  wives 
must  remain  faithful  while  he  is  at  the  war.  This  name  is  also 
given  to  the  brass  ornaments  on  a State  officer’s  helmet  and 
uniform,  as  the  natives  when  first  they  saw  them  thought  they 
were  charms  worn  by  the  white  men  to  preserve  them  from 
wounds,  and  not  as  decorations  or  insignia  of  rank.  There  is 
also  a charm  that  is  supposed  to  render  the  owner  invulnerable 
to  all  weapons  used  in  fights  and  quarrels. 

A native  does  not  own  very  much  property,  but  what  little 
he  has  he  desires  to  keep,  so  there  are  charms  for  that  purpose. 
A plantain  stalk  bound  with  the  proper  medicine  is  a charm  to 
preserve  its  owner’s  canoe  from  being  swamped  in  a storm. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  have  it  (the  mokombe)  in  the  canoe  at  the 
time,  for  it  can  act  throught  any  reasonable  distanee  of  space. 
The  python  charm  {nguma)  is  regarded  as  a powerful  charm 
for  protecting  wealth  and  slaves  ; and  should  either  be  lost 
it  has  the  reputation  of  restoring  them  quickly  to  their  owner. 

There  is  a general  charm  {nseka)  for  preserving  property  from 
robbery  and  destruction.  It  is  made  of  anything  according  to 
the  preference  of  its  user,  as  shells,  leaves,  skins,  etc.  Such  a 
charm  is  frequently  carried  through  the  town  to  notify  that 
something  has  been  stolen  and  to  bring  a curse  on  the  thief, 
and  then  it  is  partly  made  of  the  same  material  as  the  thing 
stolen.  Charms  are  placed  round  the  farms  to  mark  the  boun- 
daries of  a field  belonging  to  one  woman  from  that  of  another, 

305 


u 


THIEF’S  CHARM  AND  ANTIDOTE 


and  also  to  protect  the  produce  from  thieves.  The  charms  then 
employed  seem  to  be  almost  anything ; but  those  most  fre- 
quently seen  are  large  univalve  snail  shells,  bivalve  shells  like 
mussels,  pieces  of  cactus,  bits  of  rags,  old  calabashes,  etc., 
these  are  all  tied  on  sticks  stuck  in  the  ground  and  the  charms 
dangle  to  and  fro  in  the  breeze. 

When  a woman  runs  away,  her  husband  takes  her  nail- 
parings  and  hair-cuttings,  which  he  has  gathered  for  this  and 
other  purposes,  to  a medicine  man,  who  puts  them  into  a skin 
with  medicine  and  returns  them  to  him.  The  husband  with 
this  charm  in  his  possession  takes  a leaf,  spreads  it  on  the 
closed  fist  of  his  left  hand  and  strikes  it  with  the  palm  of  his 
right  hand,  and  says  : “ If  my  wife  stops  to  eat  at  the  place  to 
which  she  has  run,  let  her  die  quickly.”  The  same  ceremony  is 
performed  to  ensure  the  return  of  a runaway  slave,  or  to  inflict 
harm  on  anyone  with  whom  the  owner  of  this  special  charm 
(named  likunda)  has  quarrelled  ; consequently  natives  care- 
fully destroy  all  their  hair-cuttings  and  nail-parings  so  that  no 
one  may  gain  power  over  them. 

The  thief  has  a charm — a simple  yellow  pigment — to  rub  on 
his  temples  to  help  him  steal  cunningly  and  successfully ; but 
if  a man  desires  to  protect  his  property  from  this  kind  of  thief 
he  procures  a very  long,  broad-bladed  knife  with  curved  points, 
and  on  this  he  smears  stripes  of  yellow  pigment,  and  then  a 
serious  sickness  will  come  upon  the  robber  who  steals  from  the 
owner  of  such  a powerful  charm  (named  lingundu).  This 
charm  is  also  used  for  two  other  purposes  : when  it  is  put  near 
the  door  of  a sick  man  it  will  kill  the  witch  that  tries  to  enter  ; 
and  a medicine  man  also  uses  it  to  cut  the  soul  (elimo)  in  half 
to  cause  the  death  of  his  client’s  enemy.  As  the  yellow  pigment 
renders  the  thief  invisible,  so  it  also  renders  the  knife  invisible, 
so  that  the  witch  not  seeing  it  blunders  on  it  and  fatally  cuts 
itself ; and  the  soul  cannot  see  it,  and  can  be  executed  by  it 
when  in  the  hands  of  the  witch-doctor. 

How  does  a native  account  for  a man  (or  woman)  being 
successful  in  his  undertakings,  fortunate  in  his  circumstances, 

n06 


HELPFUL  CHARMS  IN  WAR 


and  acceptable  and  popular  with  folk  generally  ? Well,  the 
secret  of  it  is  that  he  has  a charm  (named  montala)  which 
operates  powerfully  in  his  favour.  It  is  a bundle,  a horn,  or  a 
hollow  piece  of  bamboo  with  medicine  in  it.  It  renders  its 
owner  very  attractive  to  women,  to  slaves,  and  to  the  people, 
and  thus  he  is  successful.  Handsome,  healthy,  prosperous  men 
are  supposed  to  be  what  they  are  on  account  of  the  benefits 
bestowed  by  this  charm. 

When  a son  or  daughter  is  about  to  leave  home  for  another 
town,  or  to  travel  and  trade,  the  father  or  near  relative  chews 
the  leaves  of  a certain  shrub,  spits  them  out  on  to  another  leaf 
and  mixes  some  camwood  powder  with  the  mess,  and  the  son, 
or  daughter,  has  to  rub  a little  of  this  mixture  {makaJeo)  on  his 
body  every  day,  otherwise  he  will  not  find  favour  with  those 
among  whom  he  may  live  or  travel.  Neither  a son,  nor  a 
daughter,  will  travel  without  his  charm.  The  ingredients  of 
the  love-charm,  or  philtre,  have  already  been  given  (see  the 
chapter  on  Medicine  Men),  and  also  the  methods  of  effectively 
employing  them. 

It  is  also  necessary,  according  to  the  native  view  of  life,  to 
have  charms  to  help  them  in  war,  in  rows,  and  among  their 
enemies.  There  is  a class  of  charms  that  enables  them  to  go 
into  the  midst  of  their  foes  and  yet  eseape,  although  they 
wish  to  capture  them.  By  one  charm  the  native  bewitehes 
the  enemy  ; by  another  he  excels  the  enemy  in  craftiness  and 
cunning  ; by  another  he  overawes  and  fascinates  them  so  that 
they  forget  their  hatred  ; and  by  another  he  becomes  invisible 
to  them.  Each  man  patronizes  his  own  particular  charm,  some 
having  more  faith  in  one  than  in  another.  There  is  also  a 
charm,  specially  procured  from  a spirit  and  costing  a goodly 
fee,  that  always  enables  its  owner  to  capture  one  or  more 
prisoners  in  a fight,  and  then  helps  him  to  disappear  with  his 
captives  if  too  closely  pursued  by  the  enemy.  The  mud-fish 
is  called  njombo,  and  this  name  is  given  to  a charm  that  imports 
the  slippery  characteristics  of  the  eel-like  mud-fish.  The  owner 
of  this  useful  charm  is  as  difficult  to  hold  as  an  eel,  and  conse- 

307 


CHARMS  FOR  CERTAIN  SPIRITS 


quently  it  is  much  in  demand  by  fighters  and  thieves,  as  it 
enables  them  to  slip  out  of  the  hands  of  their  captors. 

Witchcraft  plays  a large  part  in  native  life,  therefore  we  find 
among  them  various  means  of  finding  witches  and  counter- 
acting their  malignant  powers.  The  simplest  and  cheapest 
method  is  to  give  a drink  of  water  from  the  fetish  bell  to  the 
suspected  persons — the  innocent  are  not  hurt  and  the  guilty 
one  dies.  Then  there  are  the  fetish  saucepans  of  water  used 
by  the  medicine  men,  in  which  the  witches  and  evil  spirits  are 
supposed  to  appear  and  those  proved  guilty  of  witchcraft  are 
destroyed.  In  each  case  the  different  spirits  are  called  to  the 
ordeal  of  the  saucepan  by  the  witch-doctor  putting  a leaf  on 
the  closed  fist  of  his  left  hand  and  striking  it  with  the  palm  of 
his  right  hand.  If  the  leaf  bursts,  the  spirits  have  heard  and  come 
at  his  bidding ; but  if  the  leaf  does  not  break  after  three  smacks, 
he  desists,  as  the  spirits  are  recalcitrant.  When  he  wants  a 
particular  spirit  he  calls  its  name  as  he  strikes  the  leaf. 

When  there  is  much  sickness  in  a family  the  medicine  man 
of  the  mat  is  sent  for  and  he,  after  studying  the  matter,  saj’^s  : 
“ There  is  a charm  working  against  the  family.”  He  erects  his 
mat  to  form  an  enclosure  and  goes  through  a ceremony  of  much 
drumming  and  chanting,  and  by  and  by  digs  a hole  inside  his 
mat  and  gets  out  the  charm  (named  ekundu),  which  is  a sauce- 
pan containing  animal  and  fish  bones  and  brass  links. 

The  pot  and  contents  are  said  to  belong  to  the  evil  spirit  of 
a deceased  relative  who  desires  to  trouble  the  family.  The 
brass  links,  one  or  more,  represent  those  members  of  the  family 
who  have  been  done  to  death  by  the  evil  spirit  (mweta)  since  the 
decease  of  the  wdcked  relative.  (The  medicine  man  knows  how 
many  have  died  in  the  family  since  the  death  of  the  said  relative.) 
After  removing  the  malignant  charm  from  the  ground,  the  evil 
spirit  of  the  departed  one  has  no  more  power  over  the  family. 
Sometimes  this  ceremony  is  performed  in  the  open,  but  it  needs 
more  cunning  to  deceive  the  spectators. 

There  are  three  charms  that  are  regarded  as  being  very 
acceptable  and  pleasing  to  the  spirits  of  disease,  so  much  so, 

r308 


Photo  by\  \^Rcv.  R.  H.  Kirktaud 

A Bopoto  Fetish  ensuring  Good  Health  to  Twins 

When  twin«  are  born  the  placentae  are  put  into  two  old  saucepans  that  are  then  raised  on  forked 
sticks  and  placed  on  cither  side  of  the  road  leading  to  the  village.  This  is  a sign  to  passers-by  that 
twins  have  been  born,  and  to  destroy  any  evil  influences  entering  the  town  that  might  harm  the 
twins. 


FOR  SUCCESS  IN  FISHING 


that  by  a little  persuasion  the  medicine  man  can  coerce  them 
to  leave  their  patients  and  take  up  their  residence  in  the  charms 
provided  for  the  purpose.  The  medicine  man  procures  a four- 
foot  post,  removes  its  bark,  shapes  it  bluntly  at  one  end,  and 
paints  it  yellow  with  spots  of  red  and  blue.  This  charm  {etoli) 
is  erected  near  the  house  of  the  person  who  is  suffering  from 
either  debility,  or  rheumatism,  or  lumbago,  or  ague  fever,  and 
the  spirit  of  the  com2daint  goes  into  the  post,  and  in  order  to 
keep  it  there,  i.e.  to  avoid  a relapse,  the  man  throws  some  food 
on  the  roof,  protecting  the  post  from  the  weather,  for  the 
spirit  to  eat,  and  pours  some  sugar-cane  wine  over  the  post  for 
the  spirit  to  drink,  and  occasionally  a little  camwood  powder  is 
rubbed  on  the  post  to  keep  the  sj^irit  in  a good  humour.  As 
these  charm-sticks  are  the  resting-places  of  spirits,  the  nicer 
they  are  made  the  better  satisfied  will  the  spirits  be  to  reside  in 
them  instead  of  troubling  the  patient. 

Besides  the  charm-post  there  are  two  charms  made  of  sauce- 
pans for  receiving  the  spirits  of  disease  and  holding  them  in 
pleasant  captivity.  They  are  both  decorated  with  spots  of 
yellow,  blue,  and  red.  One  (the  eboko)  is  simply  filled  with 
water  from  the  bush,  and  the  other  (muntoka)  has  a number  of 
small  sticks  in  it.  The  former  is  used  for  retaining  the  sijirit  of 
a virulent  form  of  sleeping-sickness,  and  the  latter  for  that  of 
a milder  type.  In  both  cases  food,  drink,  and  camwood  are 
supplied  to  the  spirits  residing  in  them  ; and  small  roofs  of 
grass  are  built  over  them  to  protect  them  from  the  weather. 
Especially  in  the  case  of  the  coverings  for  the  saucepan  charms, 
the  protecting  shelters  look  like  miniature  huts,  and  a casual 
observer  could  easily  believe  that  they  have  something  to  do 
with  ancestral  worship,  whereas  they  are  simply  the  dwelling- 
places  of  disease-giving  spirits,  and  are  charms  to  protect  their 
owners  from  having  serious  relapses. 

When  a man  is  very  unsuccessful  in  spearing  fish,  although 
his  opportunities  have  been  good,  he  thinks  that  this  lack  of 
success  is  due  to  a pregnant  woman  in  his  family  who  has  not 
performed  the  rites  called  mumbamba,  in  which  small  cuts  are 

309 


TO  DETECT  A MURDERER 


made  on  certain  parts  of  the  body  and  camwood  powder  and 
medicine  are  rubbed  into  them.  When  this  ceremony  is  ob- 
served his  luck  will  change,  so  he  thinks.  If,  however,  he  cannot 
discover  such  a woman  in  his  family,  he  believes  that  there  is 
one  who  is  hiding  the  fact,  and  consequently  the  charm  is 
against  him.  This  is  often  a way  of  covering  one’s  ill-success. 

Murder  is  a very  rare  occurrence  among  the  Boloki,  i.e. 
secret  murder.  I never  heard  of  a case  during  the  fifteen  years 
I was  with  them.  Open  fights  and  murder  were  not  at  all 
infrequent,  but  I suppose  that  there  must  have  been  cases  of 
secret  murder,  or  they  would  not  have  a ceremony  (called 
moselo)  for  detecting  the  murderer.  This  fetish  ceremony  is 
performed  in  two  ways  : (a)  A relative  takes  the  nail-parings 
and  hair-cuttings  of  the  murdered  man  to  the  witch-doctor, 
who  makes  some  medicine  with  them,  after  which  he  says  that 
the  man  was  murdered  by  someone  in  the  village.  A 
saucepan  of  water  is  taken  and  placed  on  the  ground  in  the 
said  village,  and  eaeh  inhabitant  holds  his  or  her  hand  over  it, 
and  the  one  whose  shadow  is  seen  at  the  bottom  of  the  sauce- 
pan is  the  murderer,  (b)  The  nail-parings  and  hair-cuttings  of 
the  murdered  man  are  rolled  in  palm  gossamer,  tied  and  laid 
on  the  ground,  as  representing  the  unknown  murderer,  in  front 
of  the  witch-doctor,  who  says  : “ If  this  man  eats,  or  drinks,  or 
walks  in  this  country  again,  let  him  be  cursed  by  this  ceremony.” 
Then  the  witch-doctor  brings  his  knife  down  and  cuts  the 
bundle  (moselo)  in  half.  If  shortly  after  this  a person  becomes 
suddenly  ill  of  a serious  complaint  and  dies,  he  is  regarded  as 
guilty  of  the  murder,  and  his  death  is  taken  as  a proof  that  the 
spell  has  worked. 

When  cassava  roots  arc  dug  up  from  the  farm  they  are  put 
into  a water-hole  to  soak  for  a few  days  until  they  become 
soft.  Should  a woman  find  that  her  roots  are  being  stolen  from 
the  hole  she  takes  a piece  of  gum  copal,  and  fixing  it  in  the  cleft 
of  a split  stick  she  puts  it  on  the  side  of  her  cassava  hole,  and 
at  the  same  time  calls  down  a curse  on  the  thief.  Should  the 
thief  be  a man  he  will  henceforth  have  no  luck  in  fishing. 


310 


TO  PRESERVE  GOATS  IN  HEALTH 

and  should  it  be  a woman  she  will  have  no  more  success  in 
farming. 

Every  canoe  before  being  launched  for  the  first  time  is  struck 
on  the  stern  by  the  maker  or  owner  with  his  axe,  “ to  take  away 
the  weight.”  It  will  then  be  light  to  paddle,  easy  to  beach  or  to 
launch,  for  its  dead  weight  has  been  removed  by  the  blow  with 
the  axe. 

There  is  no  distinct  word  for  evil  eye,  but  one  person  is  able 
to  bewitch  {loka)  the  farm  of  another  so  that  the  produce, 
maize,  cassava,  sugar-cane,  etc.,  will  not  grow.  To  counteract 
the  effects  of  this  bewitchment  the  owner  of  the  farm  calls  a 
■witch-doctor,  who  knocks  a stake  into  the  farm,  and  if  a person 
is  bewitching  the  farm  the  stake  is  supposed  to  enter  that 
person,  and  she  or  he  will  soon  die  unless  they  abandon  their 
wicked  designs. 

When  through  this  same  form  of  witchcraft  goats  die  off,  or 
will  not  breed,  the  owner  seeks  someone  who  for  a consideration 
will  look  after  them,  and  the  owner  will  then  'pretend  to  sell 
them  to  him,  so  that  the  one  who  is  bewitching  them  will  stop 
his  evil  practices,  as  they  now  belong  to  someone  else.  It  often 
happens  that  the  goats  being  removed  to  new  pastures  become 
more  healthy  and  breed,  and  this  is  sufficient  proof  that  some- 
one was  formerly  bewitching  them.  If,  however,  the  owner 
cannot  find  anyone  whom  he  can  trust  to  look  after  his  goats  he 
calls  a medicine  man,  who  takes  a young  palm,  splits  it  into  two 
equal  parts,  and  places  one  on  each  side  of  the  road  ; and  then 
when  the  witch-spirit  comes  that  way  and  passes  between  the 
pieces  of  palm  it  will  become  sick  and  die. 

The  general  belief  is  that  only  one  in  the  family  can  bewitch 
a member  of  the  family  ; and  who  will  go  to  the  trouble  of  be- 
witching one  of  his  own  family  unless  he  is  to  benefit  by  the 
death  of  the  bewitched  person  ? And  who  benefits  by  the 
death  of  a father  or  a brother  ? Why,  the  son  or  a brother. 
Consequently,  when  father  is  very  ill,  the  son  is  regarded  with 
suspicion,  and  after  trying  all  other  means,  such  as  calling  in 
the  various  medicine  men  to  drive  out  the  sickness,  the  patient 

311 


GIVING  ORDEAL  TO  A SON 


will,  as  a last  resort,  give  his  son  the  ordeal,  but  not  enough  to 
kill  him.  Should  he  vomit  it  he  is  innocent,  that  is  proved 
beyond  doubt  and  no  harm  is  done  ; but  if  he  does  not  vomit 
the  ordeal,  and  becomes  dazed  and  stupid — well,  he  is  simply  the 
medium  by  which  the  occult  powers  are  working  on  his  relative, 
and  the  ordeal  will  clear  sueh  dangerous  powers  out  of  his 
system,  and  being  no  longer  able  to  work  through  him  as  a 
medium  the  father  or  brother  will  recover.  The  lad  is  tended 
until  the  effects  of  the  ordeal  drug  have  passed  away,  then  he 
is  warned  not  to  allow  his  body  to  be  used  again  for  such  pur- 
poses and  he  is  set  free  ; and  he  is  looked  upon  by  his  play- 
mates in  the  village  with  as  much  curiosity  as  a boy  just  out 
of  hospital  with  a broken  leg.  The  boy’s  excuse  is,  and  it  is 
readily  accepted  by  all,  that  he  was  full  of  witchcraft  and  did 
not  know  it. 

I know  a case  of  a cheeky  urehin  who  received  a box  on  the 
ears  from  his  uncle,  and  the  youngster  turned  round  and  said : 
“ I will  bewitch  you.” 

Shortly  afterwards  the  uncle  fell  sick,  and  in  spite  of  remedies 
and  “ doctors  ” he  continued  ill ; but  at  last  he  made  the  boy 
take  the  ordeal,  and  not  vomiting  it  he  was  considered  guilty 
of  bewitching  his  uncle.  The  boy  was  well  thrashed,  and  his 
father  had  to  pay  200  brass  rods  to  the  medieine  man  for 
administering  the  ordeal.  This  punishment  was  inflicted  not 
because  the  ordeal  proved  that  the  lad  was  guilty,  but  because 
of  his  insolent  threat,  and  to  teach  him  to  let  other  folk  alone. 
The  uncle  pulled  up  his  houses  and  went  to  live  at  the  other  end 
of  the  town  beyond  the  lad’s  influence. 

This  uncle  soon  after  married  another  wife,  who  had  a young 
brother  who  was  a scholar  in  my  school.  One  day  the  uncle 
came  asking  me  for  this  lad  that  he  might  give  him  the  ordeal. 
I refused  to  hand  him  over  for  such  a purpose,  and  “ Besides,” 
I said,  “ he  does  not  belong  to  your  family,”  for  I had  not  heard 
of  the  marriage. 

“ Yes,  he  does,”  the  man  replied  ; “ I have  married  his 
sister,  and  he  is  bewitching  me  through  his  sister,  who  is  now 

312 


GIVING  ORDEAL  TO  A SON 


my  wife.  My  nephew,  who  took  the  ordeal  some  time  ago,  says 
that  he  has  passed  on  the  witchcraft  to  my  young  brother-in- 
law.”  It  thus  appears  that  a mischievous  boy  can  say  that  he 
has  passed  on  his  witchcraft  to  another  lad  and  so  bring  trouble 
on  that  youngster.  This  uncle  was  continually  bothering  me 
about  these  lads,  and  at  last,  to  avoid  further  trouble,  I sent 
them,  with  their  full  consent,  to  work  on  one  of  our  other 
stations  many  miles  down-river,  and  the  uncle  was  much  re- 
lieved. 

The  uncle  in  his  new  locality  surrounded  himself  with  many 
charms,  but  he  did  not  live  many  years.  He  was  not  physically 
strong,  and  every  charm  he  possessed  was  to  guard  him  from  a 
complaint,  or  to  preserve  him  from  witchcraft. 


313 


CHAPTER  XXIII 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL 


Three  causes  of  death — By  act  of  God — By  another’s  witchcraft — By  one’s 
own  witchcraft — An  explosion — Decorating  the  corpse — Fee  to  view 
the  body — Smoking  the  body — Making  coffins— Three  kinds  of  graves 
— Killing  slaves — Burying  women  alive— Signs  of  mourning — The  nether 
world — Suicides — Funeral  dance  for  a man — Dance  for  a woman. 


HERE  are  three  eauses  of  death  well  reeognized  among 


the  Boloki  : To  die  by  an  aet  of  God  ; to  die  by 


another’s  witeheraft ; and  to  die  by  one’s  own  witeh- 
eraft.  On  the  Lower  Congo  the  first  and  seeond  eauses  of 
death  are  aeknowledged,  but  I never  heard  there  of  a person 
dying  by  his,  or  her,  own  witeheraft. 

In  eases  of  aeeidental  death,  as  eaused  by  the  swamping  of 
a eanoe  in  a storm,  they  say  that  God  has  eaused  the  death. 
There  is  a eertain  amount  of  fatalism  in  this  statement ; but 
other  aeeidents  in  whieh  they  observe  what  they  consider 
exceptional  circumstances,  as  the  upsetting  of  a canoe  by  a 
hippopotamus  or  by  a crocodile,  they  place  to  the  account  of 
witchcraft.  Thus  a canoe  swamped  in  a storm  is  “ an  act  of 
God,”  but  a canoe  upset  by  a crocodile  is  “ an  act  of  witch- 
craft,” as  no  crocodile  will  upset  a canoe  unless  it  is  told  to  do 
so  by  a witch,  or  unless  a witch  has  gone  into  the  creature  and 
compels  it  to  commit  the  outrage  ; therefore  it  is  necessary 
to  discover  the  witch  and  punish  the  person  who  harbours  such 
an  evil  spirit.  The  word  for  sorrow  is  nkele,  which  really  means 
anger,  indignation,  and  the  idea  is  that  they  are  “ angry  ” 
that  their  relative  has  been  done  to  death  by  the  witch.  I 
tried  very  hard,  but  I found  no  other  word  for  grief,  sorrow, 
etc.,  at  the  death  of  anyone  than  this  word  nkele  or  anger — a 
very  suggestive  sidelight  on  the  native  view  of  death. 


314 


BY  ONE’S  OWN  WITCHCRAFT 


On  the  death  of  a sick  man  the  body  is  opened,  and  the 
arteries  connected  with  the  liver  are  examined  by  a witch- 
doctor, and  if  they  are  full,  or  only  one  is  empty,  then  the 
deceased  was  bewitched  to  death,  i.e.  he  died  by  witchcraft 
{awi  moyengwa) ; and  consequently  someone  is  accused,  and 
the  ordeal  is  administered  to  one  person  after  another  until 
the  guilty  party  is  discovered,  i.e.  until  someone  succumbs 
to  the  ordeal,  and  falls  intoxicated  by  it  to  the  ground. 

There  is  another  view  of  death  held  by  the  Boloki  folk,  and 
expressed  in  the  phrase  awi  na  likundu,  which  means  that  the 
person  died  by  his  own  witchcraft,  or  he  (or  she)  tried  to  kill 
someone  else  by  witchcraft,  and  the  other  person’s  protective 
charms,  etc.,  were  too  strong,  and  it  has  resulted  in  the  be- 
witcher’s  own  death.  The  word  likundu  literally  means 
smartness,  craftiness,  skill,  occult  power,  being  too  clever. 

The  witch-doctor  decides  the  matter,  for  he  holds  a kind  of 
post-mortem  on  the  corpse,  and  if  the  arteries  near  the  liver 
are  empty,  then  the  man  died  as  a result  of  his  own  witchcraft. 
If  one  artery  only  is  empty,  that  counts  for  nothing  and  is 
disregarded,  but  if  four  or  five  are  empty  the  witch-doctor 
says  : “ That,”  pointing  to  one,  “ is  the  secret  power  by  which 
he  so  skilfully  made  canoes,  or  worked  at  his  smithing  ” (accord- 
ing as  the  man  was  a canoe  maker  or  blacksmith) ; “ that  one  is 
the  power  by  which  he  was  successful  in  fishing  ” (or  hunting, 
and  so  on);  “and  that  other  one  is  the  power  by  which  he 
bewitched  people,  hence  someone  with  stronger  occult  power 
has  overcome  and  killed  him,  or  he  has  died  by  his  own  witch- 
craft.” 

If  only  one  artery  is  empty,  that  is  allowable,  as  a man  must 
have  skill  to  do  ordinary  things  like  other  folk,  but  if  several 
arc  empty,  then  he  had  more  than  his  share  of  cleverness,  or 
occult  power,  and  no  one  pities  him  in  his  death. 

The  following  is  an  illustration  of  the  wide-reaching  effects 
of  witchcraft  among  the  natives  of  Africa  : Some  years  ago 
the  steamer  Matadi  was  lying  off  the  English  Trading  House 
at  Boma,  and  one  night  the  whole  town  was  aroused  by  a 

315 


DECORATING  THE  CORPSE 


terrific  explosion.  It  was  found  on  investigation  that  the  gun- 
powder on  board  the  s.s.  Matadi  had  exploded,  and  two  or 
three  white  people  and  forty  “ Kroo  boys  ” (men  engaged  on 
the  Kroo  coast  to  work  the  cargo)  were  killed.  During  the 
inquiry  that  followed  it  came  out  that  the  “ Kroo  boys,”  while 
searching  the  hold  with  a naked  light,  had  accidentally  set  fire 
to  the  powder.  Many  months  afterwards  we  heard  incidentally 
from  other  “ Kroo  boys  ” that  a big  witch  palaver  had  been 
held  in  the  Kroo  country  and  over  fifty  people  had  been  done 
to  death  for  bewitching  the  “ Kroo  boys  ” to  death  on  the 
s.s.  Matadi  by  causing  the  explosion  of  the  gunpowder  by  their 
witchcraft.  The  Kroo  coast  is  many  hundreds  of  miles  from 
the  Congo,  and  the  probability  is  that  not  one  of  those  who 
died  by  the  ordeal  in  the  Kroo  country  had  ever  been  in  Congo- 
land. 

Relatives  attend  the  sick  and  nurse  them  faithfully ; and  it 
is  a sign  of  true  friendship  to  visit  a sick  acquaintance,  or  to 
send  regularly  and  inquire  after  his  health.  The  women  are 
so  fond  of  attending  the  sick,  i.e.  sitting  in  the  house,  suggest- 
ing charms,  remedies,  etc.,  and  giving  advice,  that  they  often 
neglect  their  farm  work  and  various  duties. 

When  a man  of  any  importance  dies,  those  who  arc  expert 
in  the  art  of  decorating  corpses  attend  and  decorate  the  body 
with  coloured  pigments,  beads,  cowry  shells,  and  fine  cloth  ; 
and  the  artists  charge  two  brass  rods  per  person  to  view  the 
body.  The  family  su])ply  the  cloths,  pigments — arnotta  dye, 
chalk,  red  camwood  powder,  blue  and  j^cllow  earths,  beads, 
shells,  bottles,  and  looking-glasses.  The  figure  is  often  fixed 
in  a sitting  position  with  a bottle  in  one  hand,  as  though 
drinking,  and  a looking-glass  in  the  other,  as  though  he  were 
admiring  his  decorations.  They  aim  at  posing  the  figure  in 
as  natural  a position  as  possible,  but  the  effect  is  ghastly  on 
a civilized  mind. 

The  artists  give  their  time  and  skill  to  the  family  for  a small 
fee,  and  take  as  their  perquisites  the  brass  rods  paid  to  view 
the  picturesque  (?)  corpse.  The  side  of  the  house  is  removed 

316 


A Method  of  Beheading  on  the  Upper  Congo 

This  scene  was  arranged  for  the  photo.  In  the  real  thing  a sapling  is  pulled  over  and  the  rope 
tied,  so  that  when  the  sapling  is  released  it  springs  up  and  draws  the  neck  of  the  victim  taut. 


SMOKING  THE  BODY 


to  give  more  light  on  the  body,  and  the  wall  removed  forms, 
with  several  mats,  the  screen  enclosing  the  decorated  corpse. 
People  come  from  miles  around  to  view  the  sight,  and  the  more 
original  the  pose  the  richer  the  harvest  of  brass  rods  gathered 
by  the  lucky  artists.  The  pigments  and  barter  goods  on  a 
decorated  body  cost  approximately  1000  brass  rods,  or  about 
£3,  a very  large  sum  for  these  people,  but  from  their  point 
of  view  it  is  worth  the  expenditure,  for  by  giving  the  deceased 
such  a fine  send-off  to  the  nether  regions  they  give  no  excuse 
to  his  spirit  to  trouble  them  later  with  diseases  and  misfortune. 

As  a rule  the  body  is  buried  within  three  days  after  death, 
and  by  that  time  it  is  very  necessary.  When,  however,  for 
various  reasons — as  lack  of  means  to  provide  a good  funeral — 
it  is  not  convenient  to  bury  the  deceased  so  soon,  they  take 
out  the  entrails  and  bury  them,  place  the  corpse  on  a frame, 
light  a fire  under  it,  and  thoroughly  smoke-dry  it ; and  in  this 
way  they  are  able  to  keep  it  for  a more  convenient  time — this 
may  be  a matter  of  weeks,  and  even  months.  The  dried  body 
is  tied  in  mats,  put  in  a roughly-made  hut,  and  a fire  is  occa- 
sionally made  under  it.  Another  mode  is  as  follows  : The  body 
is  tied  in  mats  and  buried  in  an  ordinary  but  shallow  grave, 
a big  fire  is  made  on  the  top  of  the  grave  to  dry  up  the  moisture 
in  the  body,  and  to  preserve  it.  At  a more  suitable  time  a 
coffin  is  made  and  the  corpse  buried  properly ; this  is  called 
likaku. 

Coffins  are  often  made  out  of  old  canoes  by  men  who  go 
about  the  district  for  that  purpose.  Considering  the  material 
and  tools  they  are  w'ell  made,  the  various  pieces  fitting  closely 
together. 

These  native  “ undertakers,”  on  arriving  at  the  plaee  where 
their  services  are  required,  put  up  a fence  of  mats  so  as  to 
make  a private  workshop.  They  charge  so  much  for  the  job 
and  are  kept  in  food  and  drink,  and  any  dogs,  goats,  etc.,  that 
push  open  the  mats  and  enter  the  workshop  are  liable  to  con- 
fiscation if  their  inquisitiveness  causes  them  to  persist  in 
entering  after  they  have  been  driven  away  twice. 

317 


THREE  KINDS  OF  GRAVES 


The  coffins  are  sometimes  lined  and  covered  with  cheap 
cloth,  but  more  often  they  arc  stained  with  arnotta  dye  and 
ornamented  with  yellow  and  blue  pigments.  All  the  materials 
are  supplied  by  the  family.  Clumsily-made  native  nails,  or 
wooden  pins,  are  used,  unless  they  can  procure  nails  from  the 
nearest  white  man.  Sometimes  the  parts  arc  laced  together. 
Poorer  folk  are  rubbed  with  oil,  and  red  camwood  powder, 
bound  round  with  cloth,  and  tied  up  in  a mat ; and  those  who 
are  very  poor  are  simply  tied  in  their  sleeping-mats  ; a corpse 
is  rarely  thrown  into  the  river  or  bush. 

When  the  time  for  burial  arrives  the  coffin  is  carried  round 
the  town  on  exhibition,  then  the  corpse  is  placed  in  it,  and  men 
convey  it  to  the  place  of  interment,  followed  by  relatives, 
male  and  female — not  wives — friends  and  townsfolk  generally  ; 
the  wives  remain  behind  to  continue  the  mourning.  A person 
often  dies  away  from  his  house,  and  sometimes  away  from  his 
town.  The  body  is  brought  home  and  buried — if  a free  man 
or  woman — in  his  or  her  house  ; but  a slave  is  buried  on  the 
edge  of  the  bush,  or  in  any  convenient  place. 

The  graves  are  of  three  kinds  : (1)  When  the  grave  is  dug 
deep  enough  a cutting  is  made  at  the  side  in  which  to  lay  the 
corpse  so  that  the  earth  does  not  press  on  the  body,  thus  : 


GRAVE  FOR  A WEALTHY  MAN 

318 


KILLING  SLAVES 


(2)  A notch  is  cut  in  the  earth  along  the  two  sides  about  two 
feet  from  the  bottom  of  the  grave,  and  planks  or  sticks  are 
laid  aeross  after  the  body  is  put  in  position,  and  the  earth  is 
thrown  on  the  sticks.  (A  and  B are  notches  or  ledges  to  take 
planks  or  stieks.)  By  this  means  also  the  earth  is  kept  from 
contact  with  the  coffin. 


GRAVE  FOR  A WEALTHY  SIAN 

(3)  An  ordinary  straight-sided  hole,  and  the  earth  put  on  the 
body.  1 and  2 are  for  important  men — those  whose  families 
can  afford  to  pay  for  a coffin,  and  they  do  not  want  it  spoiled 
at  once  by  having  the  clay — generally  very  wet — thrown  on 
it ; and  No.  3 is  for  the  common  people. 

There  is  no  special  time  for  burying,  and  no  particular  position 
for  the  grave  and  corpse.  I have  known  them  to  bury  their 
dead  at  different  times,  in  the  morning,  afternoon,  and  evening. 
Mostly  bodies  are  buried  in  one  or  other  of  the  houses  (or  very 
near  to  them)  belonging  to  the  deceased,  consequently  the 
position  of  the  grave  depends  on  whether  the  house  runs  east 
and  west,  or  north  and  south,  or  whether  the  row  of  houses 
owned  by  the  deceased  is  parallel  or  at  right  angles  to  the  river. 

In  the  old  days  it  was  the  custom  to  kill  two  slaves  and  put 

319 


SIGNS  OF  MOURNING 


one  under  the  head  as  a pillow  and  one  under  the  feet  of  the 
corpse.  In  every  family  of  importance  there  was  a slave  wife 
who  went  by  the  name  of  mwila  ndako,  and  it  indicated  that 
she  was  to  be  buried  alive  with  her  dead  husband.  If,  however, 
this  wife  had  a child  before  her  husband  died,  then  another 
woman  took  her  place — a young  woman  was  generally  selected 
for  this  doubtful  honour.  The  number  of  wives  buried  in  the 
grave  was  in  proportion  to  the  man’s  wealth  and  importance, 
but  he  always  made  certain  of  one — the  mwila  ndako.  We  were 
able  eventually  to  persuade  them  to  abandon  this  custom, 
but  it  was  not  until  we  had  gained  their  confidence  and  good- 
will by  long  residence  among  them. 

A man  while  mourning  for  a relative  or  a wife  wears  rags, 
or  an  old  string  fish-net,  and  allows  his  body  to  go  unrubbed 
with  oil  and  camwood  powder.  Utter  disregard  of  one’s 
personal  appearance  is  a sign  of  great  grief  for  the  departed. 
At  times  men  wear  women’s  dresses  instead  of  their  own  in 
token  of  their  sorrow,  and  they  shave  off  only  half  the  hair  of 
the  head,  or  tie  the  hair  up  in  little  bunches  or  knots  and 
shave  the  hair  off  the  spaces  between  the  knots ; and  some 
rub  their  bodies  with  clay.  The  modes  are  many  and 
various,  according  to  the  nearness  or  remoteness  of  the 
relationship.  In  some  cases  they  exhibit  real  sorrow,  but 
in  the  majority  of  cases  there  is  more  noise  and  show  than 
true  grief. 

Rarely  does  a man  give  way  to  crying  ; and  if  his  dearest 
friend  dies  (not  his  relative)  he  exhibits  no  sign  of  mourning, 
not  because  he  does  not  feel  sorry,  but  because  he  does  not 
desire  to  attract  attention  to  himself  as  a person  who  mourns 
for  one  who  is  not  his  relative.  It  would  be  most  unusual, 
and  besides,  if  he  has  signs  of  mourning  about  him,  the  folk 
will  be  constantly  stopping  him  and  inquiring  of  him  which 
of  his  family  is  dead. 

During  the  first  few  hours  after  a woman’s  death  nearly  all 
her  female  relatives  and  neighbours  cry  as  though  their  hearts 
are  broken  ; but  the  next  day  they  commence  dancing,  and 

320 


Photo  by]  Itiiv.  R.  H.  Kirkland 

Head-man  and  his  Wife 

This  man  was,  to  some  extent,  responsible  for  the  transport  of  State  goods  and  messages  between 
Nouvelles  Anvers  on  the  Congo  and  Bosisera  on  the  Lake.  The  woman  has  the  spiral  rings  on  her 
legs,  and  her  feet  are  greatly  swollen  by  reason  of  the  heavy  rings. 


► f ' < ■*! 


-I 


THE  NETHER  WORLD 


continue  to  do  so  at  short  intervals  for  five  or  six  days.  The 
husband  hires  a professional  dancer  to  act  as  master  of  the 
ceremonies. 

Upon  the  death  of  a man  his  widows  ery  and  drink  water 
mixed  with  clay,  either  dress  themselves  in  a few  leaves  or  strip 
themselves  absolutely  nude  and  rub  dirt  on  the  body  (some- 
times only  half  the  body  is  covered  with  clay  and  the  other  half 
left  its  natural  colour,  giving  a very  grotesque  appearanee  to 
the  mourner),  then  taking  something  belonging  to  their  late 
husband  they  parade  the  town  in  pretended  seareh  for  him. 

After  the  funeral  they  sit  in  their  houses,  or  inside  a rough 
grass  screen,  for  five  or  six  days,  until  the  sister  of  the  deceased 
man  gives  them  permission  to  leave  their  houses,  and  then  for 
about  six  weeks  or  two  months  they  walk  only  in  the  “ bush,” 
and  if  they  hear  anyone  coming  they  hide,  and  during  this  time 
they  may  not  walk  about  the  to^vn.  Then  for  another  three 
months  they  wear  long,  untidy-looking  grass  cloths.  If  their 
late  husband  was  a great  hunter,  then  the  widows  will  not  eat 
meat  during  the  period  of  mourning ; but  should  they  during 
this  period  “ live  well,”  the  deceased  man’s  sister  or  daughter 
will  upbraid  them  for  not  mourning  properly,  and  the  folk 
in  the  town  will  regard  them  as  callous,  hard-hearted  women, 
and  the  public  opinion  of  the  distriet  will  condemn  them.  The 
new  widows  are  not  supposed  to  go  to  the  farms  or  engage  in 
any  of  their  former  oecupations,  and  as  their  visits  to  the  farms 
are  very  irregular  their  supply  of  food  is  meagre,  so  they  are 
said  “ to  fast  ” during  the  period  of  mourning.  At  the  end  of 
the  mourning  and  fasting  they  wash,  don  their  better  dresses, 
and  are  distributed  among  the  heirs  of  their  deceased  husband, 
i.e.  among  his  sons. 

At  the  funeral  of  a man  there  is  more  or  less  firing  of  guns, 
according  to  the  importance  of  the  deceased.  This  they  say 
is  to  ensure  for  him  a good  entrance  into  the  nether  world,  a 
place  situated  somewhere  below.  The  departed  spirits  in 
the  nether  world,  hearing  the  firing,  gather  about  the  entrance 
to  welcome  the  new  arrival.  Some  say  that  the  spirit  of  the 

321 


X 


FUNERAL  DANCES 


deceased  “ hov’^ers  near  the  entrance  ” (others  say  “ near  to 
the  body,”)  while  they  decorate  the  body,  dig  the  grave,  kill 
the  slaves,  prepare  the  wife  who  is  to  accompany  him ; then 
comes  the  firing,  the  entrance  to  the  nether  world,  and  the 
welcome.  If  the  deceased  was  a great  fighter  the  family 
arranges  a sham  fight  in  his  honour,  and  these  sham  fights 
occasionally  take  place  for  two  or  three  years. 

The  names  of  the  dead  are  freely  mentioned  for  a few  weeks 
after  death,  and  such  names  are  even  passed  on  to  children 
if  there  is  any  likeness  of  the  child  to  the  deceased  ; and  some 
natives  have  a misty  idea  of  the  possibility  of  the  re-birth  of 
the  deceased  in  the  child  who  bears  the  likeness. 

If  a slave  commits  suicide  his  master  will  throw  his  body 
into  the  river ; but  a free  man  who  commits  suicide  is  buried 
in  a shallow  grave  with  little  or  no  ceremony,  because  he  has 
died  by  his  own  hand.  Suicide,  however,  is  extremely  rare 
among  the  Boloki.  Women  are  buried  with  the  same  cere- 
mony as  a man,  and  in  accordance  with  their  position  in  the 
town. 

There  are  two  dances  that  should  be  mentioned  in  connection 
with  their  funeral  rites  : The  first  is  named  ehala.  Directly 
a man  of  any  position  dies  the  family  orders  sugar-cane  wine, 
which  takes  a few  days  to  prepare  in  any  large  quantity.  As 
soon  as  the  wine  is  ready  a large  hardwood  drum  is  beaten, 
and  the  men  and  women  dance  for  three  days  and  nights,  or 
as  long  as  the  wine  lasts.  Lines  are  formed  and  a man  leaves 
the  line  and  advances,  and  a woman  leaves  the  line  opposite 
and  advances  to  within  a yard  of  the  man,  there  they  wriggle, 
shuffle  their  feet,  shake  their  bodies  for  a few  moments,  and 
return  to  their  places,  and  another  couple  advance,  and  thus 
all  down  the  line  over  and  over  again.  It  is  a Regular  wake, 
accompanied  by  much  drunkenness  and  immorality — the 
former  openly,  the  latter  under  cover. 

The  second  dance  is  muntemhe,  from  nicmbe=stQms  of 
cassava  plants.  When  a woman  dies  who  is  held  in  much 
honour  by  the  other  women  in  the  town  as  a good  farmer,  one 

322 


FUNERAL  DANCES 


who  has  taught  them  much  and  frequently  about  farming, 
and  under  whose  leadership  they  have  been  successful  in  their 
operations,  the  other  women  will,  a few  days  after  such  a 
one’s  death,  form  a procession,  decorate  themselves  with 
leaves,  bvigs,  and  creepers,  and  dance  and  chant  her  praises 
through  the  town.  At  the  close  of  the  dance  they  go  in  a body 
to  the  farm  of  the  deceased  woman  and  hoe  and  plant  a large 
patch  of  cassava  for  the  use  of  her  family.  The  family  supplies 
the  dancers  with  sugar-cane  wine  for  this  festivity. 

In  1890  I saw  in  Bonjoko — a town  just  below  Monsembe — 
the  entrance,  6 feet  by  8 feet,  to  a house  paved  with  skulls  ; 
and  it  was  customary  not  only  to  use  skulls  in  this  way, 
but  also  to  put  the  skulls  of  enemies  at  the  base  of  palm 
trees  and  to  use  them  as  foot-stools.  The  desire  was,  by  these 
indignities,  to  insult  the  fallen  enemy  and  to  maintain  some 
hold  on  the  spirits  of  those  slain  in  war  that  they  might  attend 
their  conqueror  in  the  spirit  land. 


323 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


NATIVE  DISEASES  AND  THEIR 
TREATMENT 


White  and  black  magic — Albinos — Causes  of  disease — Those  easy  to 
diagnose— Non-professional  healers — Discovering  a troublesome  spirit — 
Various  remedies— Cupping — The  clyster — Ligatures  for  snake-bites — 
Snake-men — Rubbing  things  out  of  a patient — Ignorance  of  physiology 
— White  man’s  difficulty — Dangers  of  buffalo-hunting — Ravages  of  croco- 
diles— Escaping  crocodiles. 


HE  medicine  man’s  white  magic,  i.e.  those  means 


employed  for  curing  the  people  of  their  mental  and 


bodily  ailments,  may,  to  us,  seem  foolish  and  inadequate, 
but  there  is  nothing  to  condemn  in  its  practice  except  that  it 
often  deceives  the  people.  Whether  the  medicine  man  deceives 
himself — believes  in  himself  or  not — is  another  matter. 

Undoubtedly,  through  generations  of  inherited  knowledge 
concerning  herbs,  etc.,  they  possess  some  remedies  that  do 
their  patients  good  ; and  there  are  many  faith  cures — the 
results  of  an  implicit  belief  in  the  medicine  man  and  the  means 
he  uses.  I have  noticed  that  the  Congo  medicine  man  cures 
just  that  class  of  ailments  that  the  different  branches  of  “ faith 
healers  ” cure  in  Europe  and  America. 

The  Congo  system  of  white  magic  is  founded  on  quackery, 
but  like  quackery  in  other  parts  of  the  world  the  remedy 
sometimes  meets  the  disease,  and  such  successes  are  remem- 
bered and  talked  about,  while  the  many  failures  are  forgotten. 
Black  magic,  i.e.  those  means  employed  for  inflicting  pain, 
misfortune,  and  death  on  an  enemy,  is  to  bo  found  in  all  parts 
of  the  Congo.  Although  black  magic  is  so  widely  practised, 


324 


ALBINOS 


yet  it  is  condemned  by  the  natives  in  as  strong  language  as 
that  used  by  the  white  man.  Every  native  condemns  it  in 
everybody  else,  and  excuses  it  in  himself.  Those  who  practise 
it  must  do  so  in  secret,  or  the  hatred  of  the  village  and  the 
district  will  fall  upon  them. 

In  the  Appendix  will  be  found  a fairly  complete  list  i of  the 
diseases  from  which  the  people  suffer.  In  addition  to  the 
complaints  there  mentioned,  the  natives  suffer  from  stomach- 
ache, toothache,  soreness  of  gums,  sympathetic  buboes,  ulcers 
caused  by  jiggers  (chigoes),  etc.,  the  children  from  wind, 
teething,  convulsions,  etc. 

There  are  rare  cases  of  albinos  {yetne),  and  they  are  regarded 
with  respect,  and  although  they  marry,  yet  there  are  many 
women  who,  through  fear,  refuse  to  have  them.  The  skin  is 
a dirty  white  with  a distinct  tint  of  pink  in  it.  The  hair  is 
curly  and  very  light,  with  a glint  of  red,  and  the  eyes  are  red 
and  intolerant  of  light.  Albinos  are  somewhat  repulsive  look- 
ing, and  one  is  glad  to  turn  the  eyes  quickly  in  another  direction. 
Those  I have  seen  were  men,  well  developed  and  healthy 
looking,  except  that  the  skin  had  a pimply  rash  on  it,  which 
may  have  been  due  to  the  strong  rays  of  the  sun  on  a delicate 
skin.  They  suffer  considerably  from  the  direct  rays  of  the 
sun  on  their  skin,  probably  as  much  as  a white  man  would 
suffer  who  had  to  go  about  in  tropical  Africa  in  a nude  condition. 

Among  the  people  there  are  cases  of  auburn  hair,  but  the 
eyes  are  not  different  from  those  of  other  people.  With  the 
exception  of  supernumerary  toes  and  fingers,  the  deformities 
I have  seen  have  been  due  to  disease.  People  with  a sore  on 
the  under  part  of  the  heel  often  walk  on  the  toes,  or  side  of  the 
foot,  so  long  that  at  last  they  are  unable  to  walk  properly. 

The  Boloki  attribute  diseases  to  several  causes,  such  as 
broken  taboos,  curses,  witchcraft,  to  disembodied  spirits 
{mingoli),  to  the  spirits  of  disease  (mete),  i.e.  those  spirits  that 
give  individual  complaints,  to  those  spirits  (mieta)  that  give 
family  complaints  or  epidemics,  and  to  the  spirit  (ejo)  of  wealth, 
' See  Appendix,  Note  5,  page  345. 

326 


EASY  TO  DIAGNOSE 


which  inflicts  severe  diseases,  and  when  the  sufferer  dies  he 
(or  she)  is  regarded  as  taken  by  this  spirit,  or,  as  sacrificed  to 
the  spirit  of  wealth. 

The  general  name  for  medieine  is  mono,  and  it  may  mean  a 
daub  of  simple  pigment  on  the  affected  part,  a poultice  of 
leaves,  or  a complicated  coneoction  that  has  taken  a long  time 
to  prepare  and  some  thought  to  arrange. 

It  will  be  seen  from  a study  of  their  diseases  that  they  fall 
into  two  classes  : (1)  Those  of  which  the  symptoms  are  ob- 
servable and  easily  diagnosed,  as  diarrhoea,  insanity,  etc.  ; 
and  (2)  Those  of  whieh  the  symptoms  are  difficult  to  diagnose, 
as  great  debility,  sleeping-sickness,  etc.  The  former  are 
regarded  as  simple  sicknesses,  called  bokono  ; but  the  latter 
are  put  to  the  credit  of  the  various  spirits,  or  to  the  malignant 
influence  of  witehcraft.  When  the  sickness  is  simple  {bokono), 
herbs  are  employed,  medicines  prepared,  and  taboos  imposed 
on  the  patient ; when,  however,  the  illness  is  caused  by  one 
or  other  of  the  spirits,  then  a medieine  man  whose  work  it  is 
to  deal  with  that  partieular  spirit  is  called.  The  functions  of 
the  various  witch-doctors  have  already  been  described,  and 
also  of  the  spirits  that  either  send  or  impart  diseases.  Some 
sicknesses  are  especially  regarded  as  the  result  of  breaking  a 
covenant  and  falling  under  the  curse  that  follows,  as  dysentery  ; 
or  as  the  result  of  a broken  treaty,  as  wounds  and  death  in  a 
fight ; or  as  the  consequences  of  a wife’s  unfaithfulness  while 
the  husband  is  away  at  a fight,  as  severe  wounds. 

During  my  residence  among  the  Boloki,  although  many 
folk  submitted  to  the  ordeal  for  various  reasons,  and  among 
others  for  bewitching  people,  yet  I heard  of  only  one  or  two 
taking  it  for  bewitching  a person  to  death.  The  verdict 
generally  given  by  the  witch-doctor  is : He  died  by  his  own 
witchcraft  while  trying  to  bewitch  someone  else.  And  many 
a time  I have  heard  the  friends  of  the  deceased  protest  against 
this  charge — for  they  considered  it  an  insult  to  the  memor)’^ 
of  their  departed  friend — and  insist  that  he  died  “ by  an  act  of 
God.” 


326 


Photo  hy]  \lhe  Author 

Method  of  Securing  a Prisoner  ^ Boloki  Woman  Dressing  her  Husbands  Hair 

The  taller  lad  tried  to  escape  from  his  master,  but  was  captured  and  It  is  one  of  the  duties  of  a wife  to  comb  out  and  plait  her  husband  s hair, 

handcuffed.  The  smaller  lad,  whose  loyalty  wasundoubted,  was  a slave  of  Sometimes  she  shaves  the  head,  forming  crescents,  squares,  diamonds,  etc., 

the  same  master.  For  several  weeks  they  were  fastened  to  each  other.  according  to  the  pattern  in  fashion  at  the  time. 


DISCOVERING  A TROUBLESOME  SPIRIT 


In  simple  complaints  medicines  are  prepared  from  herbs 
for  inward  and  outward  applications,  fomentations  are  applied, 
and  massage  is  employed,  and  in  many  cases  charms  and 
amulets  are  supplied  to  the  patient.  In  the  more  serious  kinds 
of  illness,  as  smallpox,  dropsy,  etc,,  a person  who  has  recovered 
from  the  sickness  very  often  sets  up  as  a healer  of  the  same — 
for  who  knows  better  how  to  cure  an  illness  than  he  (or  she) 
who  has  had  it  ? 

These  healers  of  specific  diseases  are  not  witch-doctors, 
nor  are  they,  by  the  natives,  respected  as  such ; and  if 
they  fail  to  cure,  the  patient  is  removed  to  a medicine  man 
as  the  last  resort.  The  fees  of  the  former  are  as  moderate 
as  a quack  doctor’s  compared  with  the  fees  of  a professional 
man.  Of  these  healers  there  is  a large  number,  and  it  is  im- 
possible to  give  an  outline  of  their  practices,  for  each  follows 
his  (or  her)  own  method,  and  tries  to  keep  that  method  a secret ; 
and  even  when  fomentations  or  herb  decoctions  are  used,  the 
ingredients  are  known  only  to  the  compounder.  Simple 
massage  is  a favourite  operation,  and  seems  to  be  much  enjoyed 
by  the  patients  ; and  its  curative  qualities  are  not  placed  to 
the  credit  of  friction,  warmth,  or  magnetism,  but  to  the  fetish 
power  of  the  rubber. 

As  stated  above,  most  of  the  diseases  in  the  list  are  regarded 
as  6oA:ono= simple  sickness,  illness,  complaint ; and  it  is  only 
when  they  do  not  yield  to  ordinary,  simple  treatment  that 
they  are  viewed  more  seriously  as  the  result  of  witchcraft,  or 
possession  by  one  or  other  of  the  spirits,  e.g.  an  ulcer  shows 
itself,  and  is  treated  with  fomentations,  etc.,  but  it  happens 
that  the  ulcer  spreads  and  drains  the  strength  of  the  patient ; 
a medicine  man  is  called  in,  and  the  cause  sought  for  either  in 
witchcraft,  the  breaking  of  a taboo,  the  operation  of  a curse, 
or  in  the  malignant  action  of  a spirit.  The  complaints  called 
debility,  sleeping-sickness,  very  bad  rheumatism,  ague  fever, 
or  boils,  are  supposed  to  originate  in  one  of  these  ways,  and  it 
is  the  object  of  the  medicine  man  to  discover  in  which  way,  in 
order  to  use  the  right  means. 


327 


VARIOUS  REMEDIES 


The  witch-doctor  beats  his  drum  near  the  patient,  talks 
excitedly,  chants  various  phrases,  the  sense  of  which  the  people 
often  do  not  understand,  but  the  lilt  of  the  metre,  together 
with  the  rhythm  of  the  drum,  causes  the  patient  to  sway  to 
and  fro  and  has  an  hypnotic  effect  on  him. 

When  he  is  worked  up  to  the  right  pitch  the  medicine  man 
asks  him  : “ Have  you  eaten  anything  ? ” i.e.  Have  you 

broken  a taboo  ? The  patient  takes  no  notice. 

“ Have  you  done  anything  ? ” i.e.  Have  you  broken  a 
covenant  and  so  come  under  a curse  ? is  the  next  question, 
but  the  man  takes  no  notice. 

“ Arc  you  bewitched  ? ” or,  “ Are  you  bewitching  any- 
body ? ” To  these  questions  no  answer  is  given. 

“ Have  you  a spirit  (bzveie)  ? ” The  patient  jerks  and 
twitches  his  body,  beats  his  arms,  and  sways  more  vigorously, 
and  thus  it  is  known  that  the  sufferer  is  possessed  by  a certain 
kind  of  spirit. 

The  next  thing  is  to  discover  whether  the  spirit  is  that  of 
debility,  sleeping-sickness,  etc.,  and  that  point  being  decided 
by  the  jerking  of  the  patient’s  body  as  the  questions  are  put 
to  him,  the  medicine  man  proceeds  to  make  the  necessary 
charms  and  put  the  man  under  the  proper  taboos.  The  whole 
of  this  ceremony  of  diagnosing  a patient’s  case  is  called  mohalu. 

There  are  modifications  of  this  ceremony  in  which  only 
rattles  are  used,  and  not  drums,  and  many  women  sing  and 
shake  rattles  round  the  patient,  who  lies  in  the  middle  of  the 
ring,  well  anointed  with  oil ; or  there  may  be  only  a few 
present,  and  the  drum  is  beaten  and  the  patient  taken  inside 
a mat  enclosure  with  the  medicine  man,  but  the  principle  is 
the  same. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  remedies  employed  : Kuta  is 
to  heal  quickly  the  cuts  of  a badly  wounded  man  by  placing 
him  on  a shelf  and  lighting  a fire  under  him,  so  that  the  smoke 
enters  the  wounds.  Ngele  are  leaves  for  drawing  boils  and 
abscesses  to  a head.  Moteba  leaves  are  boiled  and  rubbed  on  a 
person  suffering  from  sleeping-sickness.  Longele=a,  brass 

828 


LIGATURES  FOR  SNAKE  BITES 


rod  ; some  medicine  is  tied  to  a brass  rod,  and  it  is  then  worn 
to  strengthen  the  arm  or  the  leg — some  wear  it  for  rheumatism. 
Makulu  maiuki  leaves  are  good  for  sores  and  wounds,  and  the 
juice  of  the  leaves  is  dropped  into  sore  eyes  to  heal  them  ; and 
some  eat  the  leaves  to  induce  pregnancy.  Makalala  are  small 
sticks  of  powerful  “ medicine  ” for  soothing  the  violently  mad. 
There  is  a word,  yengola,  which  means  to  kill  or  drown  a person 
who  is  too  ill  to  recover. 

Cupping  (nyunya)  is  often  practised.  Sometimes  it  is  simple 
bleeding  by  snicking  the  part  affected,  and  at  other  times  it  is 
cupping  proper  with  horn  and  suction.  The  part  to  be  bene- 
fited is  cut  with  a knife,  and  the  large  bottom  end  of  a horn, 
which  has  a hole  at  the  small  upper  end,  is  put  over  the  cuts. 
The  operator  puts  a pill  of  clay  or  soft  wax  into  his  mouth, 
sucks  at  the  hole,  and  with  his  tongue  puts  the  wax  pellet 
over  it.  This  he  repeats  until  the  air  in  the  horn  is  exhausted, 
and  then  the  blood  will  run  freely  from  the  cuts. 

The  clyster  (called  njango)  is  used  for  relieving  pains  in  the 
stomach.  A calabash  is  filled  with  water  in  which  some  herbs 
have  been  boiled.  The  patient  lies  on  his  stomach  and  a reed 
is  inserted,  and  the  liquid  in  the  calabash  is  poured  into  the 
reed  ; but  sometimes  they  use  a calabash  with  a very  long  neck, 
and  this  is  inserted,  and  the  liquid  allowed  to  gravitate  into 
the  bowels. 

Ligatures  are  tied — one  above  and  the  other  below  the 
wound — for  a snake-bite,  some  bitter  plant  {bololo)  is  given 
to  the  bitten  person  to  chew.  A medicine  man  also  “ scrapes 
the  wound  to  remove  the  teeth  left  by  the  snake.”  There  are 
persons,  and  even  families,  who  handle  snakes  with  impunity, 
and  these  are  supposed  to  possess  snake  medicine.  Such  a 
person  is  called  if  the  patient  is  suffering  severely  from  a 
snake’s  bite,  and  on  his  arrival  he  and  the  bitten  person  clasp 
each  other’s  right  wrist,  and  the  snake-man  will  beat  the  other’s 
arm  to  drive  the  poison  (ngenge)  from  him  into  himself.  I 
have  never  heard  of  a death  from  a snake-bite,  but  I have  seen 
nervous  people  very  much  scared  after  being  bitten  by  a snake. 

329 


IGNORANCE  OF  PHYSIOLOGY 


There  is  another  mode  of  curing  a sick  person  called  howa. 
The  patient  lies  on  his  back  and  the  medicine  man,  taking  a 
saucepan  of  boiling  water,  kneels  by  the  side  of  his  patient. 
He  shakes  some  leaves  over  him,  dips  his  hand  into  the  water, 
rubs  the  stomach  of  the  sick  one,  and  in  a short  time  shows  a 
palm  nut,  as  having  come  from  the  patient.  This  performance 
is  repeated  again  and  again,  and  each  time  a palm  nut,  or  a 
stone,  or  a piece  of  iron  is  shown  as  coming  from  the  patient, 
and  is  taken  as  evidence  that  the  sickness  is  being  expelled. 

Natives  endure  the  heat  much  better  than  the  cold.  The 
palm-oil  and  red  camwood  powder  used  so  freely  as  a cosmetic 
protect  their  bodies  from  the  direct  rays  of  the  sun,  and  are 
also,  I believe,  a protection  from  the  cold  air  and  light  showers 
of  rain  ; but  a really  cold,  sunless  day  seems  to  crumple  them 
up,  and  they  lose  all  energy.  Blood-poisoning  is  very  rare, 
and  wounds  from  knives  and  spears  heal  rapidly. 

The  natives  are  practically  ignorant  of  physiology,  and  their 
firm  belief  for  generations  that  diseases  are  due  to  witchcraft 
and  evil  spirits  has  kept  them  from  making  any  progress  in 
the  study  of  that  science.  I remember  many  years  ago  a man 
coming  to  me  complaining  of  an  acute  pain  in  his  side,  which  he 
regarded  as  the  presence  of  an  evil  spirit  in  him.  After  due 
consideration  I thought  it  was  probably  due  to  a touch  of 
pleurisy,  and  administered  a flying  blister  (a  lotion  applied 
with  a feather)  to  the  place,  and  told  him  to  go  to  bed.  Early 
next  morning  the  man  came  hurrying  to  me,  and  pointing  to 
the  blister  that  had  come  up  in  the  night,  he  said  : “ White 
man,  look  where  the  evil  spirit  has  come  out.”  He  thought 
that  as  all  pain  had  gone,  and  there  was  a blister  over  the  place 
where  it  had  been,  the  evil  spirit  had  come  out  there,  and 
the  blister  was  the  result  of  its  exit. 

One  of  the  greatest  diffieulties  we  encounter  on  the  Congo 
is  that  of  diagnosing  a disease.  The  natives  have  never  been 
in  the  habit  of  describing  their  symptoms,  consequently  when 
we  commence  medical  work  in  any  new  district  we  are  at  a 
great  disadvantage,  and  it  takes  long  training  before  the  people 

330 


DANGERS  OF  BUFFALO-HUNTING 


will  clearly  state  the  nature  of  their  pains,  or  anything  that 
will  really  help  us  to  diagnose  their  complaints.  While  in 
the  language  we  find  the  names  of  a large  number  of  diseases, 
yet  it  is  very  poor  in  words  describing  symptoms,  and  this 
paucity  of  symptom-words  arises  from  the  fact  that  for  cen- 
turies the  witch-doctors,  in  their  own  interests,  have  fostered 
the  belief  that  complaints  are  caused  by  evil  spirits  which  they 
alone  can  drive  out  of  them.  Not  only  is  there  this  lack  of 
words  describing  symptoms,  but  there  is  a reticence  on  the 
part  of  the  patient  to  explain  his  pain,  etc,,  as  he  thinks  that 
the  “ doctor  ” who  has  any  pretension  to  healing  a person 
should  certainly  be  able  to  discover  what  is  wrong.  Their 
witch-doctors  do  not  closely  question  their  patients,  but  at 
once  proceed  to  the  cure  ; why,  therefore,  should  the  white 
man  make  so  many  inquiries  ? 

On  the  Lower  Congo  we  have  a large  number  of  gun  acci- 
dents. The  cheap,  common  guns,  the  barrels  of  which  are 
usually  made  out  of  old  gas-pipes,  frequently  explode  and  do 
much  damage  to  the  firer.  Occasionally  during  the  hunting 
season  one  hunter  mistakes  the  rustling  in  the  grass  made  by 
another  hunter  as  the  movements  of  an  animal,  and  fires  in 
the  direction  of  the  noise,  only  to  find,  when  too  late,  that  he 
has  wounded  a fellow-hunter.  Very  often  when  crawling 
through  the  grass  after  game  the  hammer  of  the  gun  catches 
in  the  grass,  and  in  pulling  it  free  the  gun  goes  off,  and  the 
man  behind  receives  the  full  charge  into  his  body,  and  the 
lifeless  corpse  is  carried  back  to  the  town  ; or,  if  severely 
wounded  and  not  dead,  the  man  is  brought  to  us  for  treatment. 

Both  on  the  Lower  Congo  and  the  Upper  there  are  serious 
accidents  from  buffalo- hunting — more  to  be  dreaded  than 
leopard-hunting.  One  case  brought  to  us  on  the  Upper  Congo 
was  that  of  a man  who  had  fired  at  a buffalo  which  took  refuge 
in  a clump  of  trees.  He  thought,  after  waiting  a time,  that  he 
had  killed  it,  but  on  venturing  to  investigate  too  closely  the 
infuriated,  wounded  animal  came  out  at  him  and  tossed  and 
tumbled  him  about  in  its  rage  as  a cat  does  a mouse.  It  was 

331 


ESCAPING  CROCODILES 


at  last  frightened  away  by  the  hunter’s  companions,  and  when 
they  brought  him  to  us  it  took  me  nearly  an  hour  and  a half 
to  sew  him  up  and  bandage  his  many  wounds — he  querulous 
and  abusive  all  the  time,  complaining  that  I was  giving  him 
more  pain  than  the  buffalo  did.  He,  however,  made  a good 
recovery  and  was  duly  grateful. 

On  the  Upper  Congo  the  crocodiles  inflict  the  greatest 
damage  on  the  natives.  Here  is  a canoe  with  a few  folk  pad- 
dling quietly  along,  when  a crocodile  shoots  up  by  its  side  so 
suddenly  that  the  occupants  are  startled,  and  leaning  too 
much  to  one  side  to  get  as  far  as  possible  from  the  ravenous 
jaws,  they  upset  the  canoe,  the  brute  takes  one  and  goes  off. 
There  is  much  wailing,  a charge  of  witchcraft,  and  perhaps 
another  death  is  the  result. 

A considerable  amount  of  fishing  is  done  by  the  women  in 
the  shallow  waters,  and  while  they  are  thus  busily  occu- 
pied the  crocodile  has  its  opportunity.  I have  often  met 
women  who  have  asked  me  for  medicine  for  wounds  on  their 
legs,  and  on  looking  at  them  I frequently  found  that  the  wounds 
were  teeth  marks.  On  inquiring  how  they  came  by  them,  their 
answers,  generally  given  nonchalantly,  were  always  the  same  : 
“ A crocodile  caught  me  by  the  leg  while  I was  fishing.” 

“ How  did  you  escape  from  the  creature  ? ” would  be  my 
next  question. 

“ Oh,  I rammed  my  thumbs  into  its  eyes,”  was  the  invariable 
reply,  “ and  it  let  me  go,  and  I was  able  to  escape.”  And 
suiting  the  action  to  her  words  the  woman  would  turn  round 
and  show  me  how  it  was  done.  It  needed  great  presence  of 
mind,  and  undoubtedly  those  who  did  not  possess  it  were 
carried  off ; and  those  also  who  were  caught  in  such  a way 
that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  turn,  were  dragged  under 
water,  drowned,  and  eaten  at  leisure. 

One  morning  a woman  left  Monsembe  in  a small  canoe  to 
fish  on  the  shallow  bank  of  a neighbouring  island.  As  she 
had  not  returned  by  sunset  about  twenty  men  came  to  borrow 
our  large  canoe  that  they  might  go  in  search  of  her.  About 

332 


Photo  by\  [Rev.  C.  J.  Dodds 

The  Author  Doctoring  a Crocodile-bitten  Hand 

The  native  was  working  at  a log  in  the  river  running  by  his  village  when  a crocodile  came  up  by 
the  side  of  the  log  and  caught  his  hand. 


ESCAPING  CROCODILES 


9 p.m.  they  returned,  and  by  their  shouts  in  the  distance  we 
learned  that  they  had  found  the  missing  woman.  On  landing 
her  we  discovered  that  she  was  severely  wounded  with  crocodile 
bites — the  worst  case  I had  ever  seen.  We  set  to  work  to 
clean  the  wounds,  and  sewing  up  some  we  bandaged  her  and 
left  her  as  comfortable  as  we  could  for  the  night.  We  after- 
wards heard  the  story  of  her  adventures. 

It  appears  that  while  fishing  she  saw  a crocodile  coming 
for  her,  so  she  ran  for  a tree,  and  as  she  climbed  the  brute 
raised  itself  and  snapped  at  her,  tearing  her  fingers,  her  thighs, 
and  legs,  but  not  getting  a sufficient  grip  of  her  to  pull  her 
down.  There  she  sat,  wounded,  bleeding,  and  faint  with 
hunger  and  loss  of  blood,  through  the  long  day,  with  the  croco- 
dile lying  in  wait  at  the  foot  of  the  tree.  Occasionally  she 
cried  out,  but  there  was  no  one  near  enough  to  hear  her  shouts. 
She  at  last  heard  the  paddles  of  the  canoe  and  the  calls  of  the 
men,  and,  responding  to  them,  she  guided  them  to  the  tree 
where  she  was  sitting.  As  the  men  neared  the  tree  they  heard 
the  splashing  of  the  water  as  the  brute  made  off  in  the  darkness. 
She  fully  recovered,  and  after  a time  seemed  none  the  w'orse 
for  her  painful  experience. 

At  Boma  I saw  the  skin  of  a crocodile  that  measured  25  feet 
long.  The  trader  who  killed  it  showed  me  twenty-two  brass  arm- 
lets  and  anklets,  weighing  11|  lbs.,  that  had  been  taken  from  its 
stomach,  a proof  that  in  the  course  of  its  life  it  had  killed  and 
eaten  several  people.  But  there  are  times  when  the  laugh  is 
on  the  other  side.  A colleague  of  mine  fired  from  a steamer 
at  a crocodile  that  apparently  was  asleep  on  the  sandy  bank 
of  the  river.  The  bullet  struck  the  head,  and  as  the  beast  did 
not  move  everybody  thought  itwas  killed.  Some  of  the  steamer’s 
crew  jumped  into  the  water,  swam  ashore,  and  just  as  they  caught 
hold  of  the  tail  to  turn  the  creature  over  preparatory  to  cutting 
it  up,  the  crocodile  regained  consciousness  (for  it  had  only 
been  stunned  by  the  bullet  grazing  the  top  of  the  head)  and 
started  for  the  river.  Such  a tug-of-war  was  never  witnessed 
before — there  was  the  crocodile  struggling  to  gain  the  water 

333 


ESCAPING  CROCODILES 


and  some  men  hauling  it  back  by  the  tail,  while  others,  quickly 
procuring  some  chunks  of  wood,  were  beating  the  reptile’s 
back  to  break  it.  The  men  won  the  contest,  and  that  night 
feasted  on  their  enemy  the  crocodile. 

At  all  our  stations  we  have  good  dispensaries,  and  at  some, 
well-equipped  hospitals  ; and  we  do  our  best  to  alleviate 
suffering  and  save  life.  As  non-medical  missionaries  we  can 
always  comfort  ourselves  with  the  thought  that  what  we  do 
medically  for  the  natives  is  far  better  than  they  can  do  for 
themselves,  or  have  done  for  them  by  their  medicine  men. 
We  are  glad,  however,  to  say  that  we  have  now  three  fully 
qualified  doctors  in  our  Mission,  whose  up-to-date  scientific 
knowledge,  joined  to  their  kindly  sympathy  with  the  natives, 
is  doing  much  to  relieve  pain  and  save  life.  Our  only  regret 
is  that  we  have  not  a doctor  on  every  station.' 

* See  Appendix,  Note  6,  page  346,  for  statistics  of  white  people’s  health. 


334 


APPENDIX 


Note  1. — On  Yeasts  or  Ferments 
Bread-making 

On  the  Lower  Congo,  where  palm-wine  was  easily  procurable,  I 
have  often  made  bread  by  using  one  tumbler  of  palm-wine  to 
one  of  lukewarm  water,  with  some  sugar  to  counteract  the 
sourness  or  acidity  of  the  wine,  and  salt  to  taste.  This  was 
mixed  with  flour  into  a dough  about  8 a.m.,  divided  into  two 
lumps,  put  into  two  well-floured  or  greased  tins,  and  placed 
out  in  the  sun  to  rise,  with  a cloth  over  them  to  keep  away 
dust  and  dirt.  About  11  or  12  o’clock  the  loaves  would  have 
risen  well,  and  were  ready  for  baking. 

If  palm-wine  can  be  bought  regularly,  then  it  can  be  used 
for  every  batch  of  bread  ; but  if  the  supply  is  doubtful,  or  very 
irregular,  then  a knob  of  the  dough — about  the  size  of  an  egg — 
should  be  taken  from  the  dough  before  it  is  divided  into  loaves, 
put  into  a mug,  covered  and  placed  on  one  side.  This  lump 
of  dough  will  rise,  and  in  two  or  three  days,  when  the  next 
batch  of  bread  is  required,  it  can  be  thoroughly  mixed  with  a 
pint  of  warm  water,  a tablespoonful  of  sugar,  some  salt  (and, 
if  you  have  it,  a pinch  of  bicarbonate  of  soda),  and  the  process 
is  completed,  and  with  this  yeast  you  can  make  the  bread  as 
though  using  fresh  palm- wine. 

At  Monsembe,  however,  there  was  no  palm-wine,  but  plenty 
of  sugar-cane  wine,  so  we  used  that  with  very  good  results. 
Sugar-cane  wine  should  be  strained  through  a fine  cloth  before 
using,  otherwise  the  fibres  left  in  the  wine  will  irritate  the 
stomach  and  give  rise  to  serious  consequences. 

The  following,  however,  is  the  most  satisfactory  leaven  that 
has  yet  been  discovered  on  the  Congo,  where  it  is  becoming  a 
general  favourite,  and  is  fast  ousting  palm-wine  as  a leaven  : 
Take  a pint  bottle  and  put  into  it  two  tablespoonfuls  of  flour, 
one  tablespoonful  of  castor  sugar  (or  its  equivalent  in  lump 
sugar),  a teaspoonful  of  salt,  nearly  fill  the  bottle  with  warm 
water,  thoroughly  shake  until  well  mixed,  lightly  cork,  and 

336 


APPENDIX 

stand  it  in  a warm  corner  of  the  house.  Occasionally  stir  the 
mixture,  and  on  the  fourth  or  fifth  day  it  will  sing  with  fer- 
mentation. 

I found  the  following  the  best  method  for  making  bread  with 
this  leaven  : When  the  contents  of  the  bottle  were  singing  with 
fermentation  I took  the  bottle  in  the  evening  (about  5 or  6 
o’clock),  and,  well  stirring  the  fermenting  mixture,  poured  it 
into  a wash-hand  basin,  leaving  at  the  bottom  of  the  bottle 
some  of  the  liquid — about  two  fingers  deep.  Into  the  basin 
was  then  put  a half-pint  of  lukewarm  water,  a small  tea- 
spoonful of  salt,  and  two  lumps  of  sugar ; the  cook  boy  thor- 
oughly stirred  into  this  mixture  some  flour  to  the  consistency 
of  a batter.  He  generally  beat  the  batter  for  ten  or  fifteen 
minutes — the  more  it  is  beaten  the  lighter  will  be  the  bread. 
A towel  was  spread  over  the  basin,  and  it  was  put  away  in  the 
cupboard. 

I then  took  the  bottle,  measured  into  it  flour,  sugar,  salt,  and 
warm  water  as  before,  shook  it  well,  and  put  it  back  in  its 
place.  On  account  of  having  left  in  the  bottle  a little  of  the 
old  leaven  the  new  preparation  would  be  ready  in  two  days, 
and  it  should  be  used  then,  or  not  later  than  the  third  day.  A 
family  of  two  or  three  persons  will  soon  find  how  much  bread 
they  need  for  two  days  and  can  add  more  or  less  water  to  the 
leaven  poured  into  the  basin. 

It  will  be  found  next  morning  that  the  batter  or  sponge  put 
away  in  the  cupboard  has  almost  filled  the  basin  with  a fine 
dough.  To  this  sponge  add  flour,  well  knead  it  into  a medium 
stiff  dough,  put  in  two  tins,  place  out  in  the  sun  (or  if  a cloudy 
day  stand  near  the  kitchen  fire),  drop  a thin  cloth  over  the  tins 
to  keep  dust  away,  and  in  three  or  four  hours  the  dough  will  be 
well  risen,  and  then  bake.  This  always  gave  us  splendidly  light 
bread.  An  occasional  pinch  of  bicarbonate  of  soda  dropped 
into  the  bottle  will  neutralize  acidity.  A good,  neutral  bread 
is  a great  boon,  and  helps  to  keep  one  in  good  health. 


Note  2. — On  Boloki  Verb 

The  verb  in  the  Boloki  language  has  the  eight  following  forms  : 
Active,  Passive,  Stative,  Causative,  Prepositional,  Reciprocal, 
Reflexive,  and  Repetitive. 

Active  . . . kanga  = to  tie. 

Passive  . . . kangama=to  be  tied. 

336 


APPENDIX 


Stative 

Causative 

Prepositional 

Reciprocal 

Reflexive  . 

Repetitive 


kangwa=to  be  in  a tied  state. 
kangija=to  cause  to  tie. 
kangela=to  tie  for  or  with. 
kangana=to  tie  one  another. 
mikanga=to  tie  oneself. 
kangelela=to  tie  again  and  again. 


The  moods  of  the  verb  are  : Infinitive,  Imperative,  Indica- 
tive, Subjunctive,  and  Purportive. 

Infinitive  mood  is  made  by  prefixing  lo  to  the  verb  : najingi 
lokcmga=l  desire  to  tie. 

The  imperative  is  kanga,  and  a more  emphatic  form  kangaka 
=tie.  The  imperative  hortative  is  formed  by  leme =let, 
followed  by  the  present  subjunctive,  as  leme  nakanga=\et  me  tie. 

The  indicative  is  nakanga=l  tie. 

The  subjunctive,  {te)  nakanga={th.a.t)  I may  tie. 

The  purportive,  naye  nokakanga=l  am  come  to  tie. 


The  tenses  are  as  follows  : 
Indicative  pres,  indefinitive 

„ ,,  „ continuous 

,,  „ perfect 

9}  99  99  99 

Indicative  past  indefinite 

99  99  99  99 

,,  „ perfect 

99  99  99 


nakanga=I  tie 
nakakanga—1  am  tying. 
nakangi=l  have  tied. 
nakakangi=l  have  been 
tying. 

nakangiki=l  tied. 
nakakangiki=l  was  ty- 
ing. 

nakangaka=l  had  tied. 
nakakangaka  — I had 
been  tying. 


The  past  imperfect  and  progressive  tenses  made  with  the  aid 
of  the  verb  “ to  be  ” are  as  follows  : 

Nabeki  nakangi=l  tied  in  time  near  past. 

Nabeki  nakakangi=l  was  tying  in  time  near  past. 
Nabaka  nakangi=l  tied  in  time  far  past. 

Nabaka  nakakangi=l  was  tying  in  time  far  past. 


Indicative  future  indefinite 

naakakangi=l  shall  tie. 

99 

„ „ continuous 

naakakanga=l  shall  be 

99 

„ perfect 

tying. 

naakakangaka=l  shall 

99 

„ immediate 

have  been  tying. 
naikakanga—l  am  just 

Y 

337 

about  to  tie. 

APPENDIX 


Narrative  tense 


ekangele=l  tied. 

continuous  ekakangeh =1^3,$  tying. 


99 


There  are  only  three  conjugations  to  be  found,  and  these  are 
formed  on  the  final  vowel  of  the  root : 


It  will  be  interesting  to  the  reader,  before  closing  this  very 
short  note  on  the  verb,  for  me  to  give  an  idea  of  the  number  of 
verbs  that  can  be  built  up  on  a single  verb  by  the  aid  of  affixes 
which  can  all  run  through  the  various  tenses  already  mentioned. 
The  seven  given  in  the  first  paragraph  of  this  note  are  not  re- 
peated here  : 

Active  transitive.  Kanga— to  tie. 

Passive  and  prepositional.  Kangeinela=to  be  tied  for  (a  pur- 
pose). 

Passive  and  causative.  Kangimija=to  cause  to  be  tied. 

Passive,  prepositional,  and  causative.  Kangemelija=to 
cause  to  be  tied  for  (a  purpose). 

Active,  reciprocal,  and  prepositional.  Kangenela=to  tie  one 
another  for  (a  purpose). 

Active,  reciprocal,  prepositional,  and  causative.  Kangenelija 
=to  cause  to  tie  one  another  for  (a  purpose). 

There  are  many  other  combinations  in  use,  but  these  twelve 
will  give  some  idea  of  the  possibilities  of  the  verb  and  its  pre- 
fixes and  suffixes.  It  will  be  noted  that  although  the  passive  of 
kanga  is  kangama,  yet  in  the  above  examples  the  vowels  some- 
times become  e and  sometimes  i,  this  is  because  the  vowel  e in 
ela  (see  first  example,  the  passive  and  prepositional  form  given 
in  the  preceding  paragraph)  changes  the  final  a of  kangama 
into  e as  kangamela,  and  has  a retro-active  force  in  turning  the 
initial  a of  the  passive  suffix  also  into  e ; kangama  is  really 
kangaama,  but  as  one  a elides  another  it  becomes  kangama, 
and  kangemela  is  really  kangamaela,  but  a elides  before^,  so  it 
becomes  kangamela,  and  the  e in  the  penultimate  demands  that 
the  other  a of  the  suffix  should  become  e also,  hence  we  have 
kangemela.  The  same  euphonic  law  demands  that  kanga-ama- 
ija  should  become  kangimija,  and  kanga-ana-ela  should  become 
kangenela. 


SIMPLE  VERB. 

kanga 

bete 

kolo 


PERFECT. 

kangaka 

beteke 

koloko 


PASSIVE. 

kangama 

beteme 

kolomo 


338 


APPENDIX 


There  is  also  an  intensive  form  of  the  verb  that  is  best  ex- 
pressed in  English  by  a suitable  adverb  : 

Kata=to  hold  ; katatala=to  hold  tightly ; and  this  has  a 
causative  Kaiitija— to  cause  to  hold  tightly. 

Kana=to  push  in ; kanalala=to  be  pushed  in  too  much, 
kaninija=to  cause  to  go  in  too  far. 

Ama=to  press ; amamala— to  be  pressed  too  far : amimija= 
to  cause  to  be  pressed  too  much. 

Tamba=to  stand  out ; tambambala=to  be  standing  out  con- 
spieuously,  and  the  eausative  tambimbija— to  cause  to  stand  out 
well  in  sight. 

In  the  above  are  very  good  examples  of  what  I call,  for  the 
lack  of  a better  word,  the  retro-active  power  of  their  euphonic 
laws  for  harmonizing  the  vowels. 

By  the  aid  of  so  plastic  a verb  we  had  no  difficulty  in  ex- 
pressing the  finest  shades  of  meaning  in  the  New  Testament — 
a part  of  which  is  translated  into  the  Boloki  language — and  in 
translating  other  books  for  the  benefit  of  the  natives. 


Note  3. — On  Boloki  Method  of  Counting 

The  numerals  from  1 to  5 are  declinable.  The  letter  in  brackets 
is  the  particle  that  changes  according  to  the  class  of  the  noun 
used,  e.g.  two  persons  would  be  batu  (ba)  bale=-persons  two 
but  two  cloths  would  be  bilamba  {bi)  6oZe=cloths  two. 

The  numerals  are  : 1,  {y)  awi  ; 2,  (i)  bale  ; 3,  (i)  atu  ; 4,  (i) 
ne ; 5,  (i)  tanu ; 6,  motoba ; 7,  nsambu ; 8,  mwambi ; 9, 
libwa  ; 10,  jumu  or  mokangu  mwawi=one  tying;  11,  jumu 
na  {y)  awi  ; 12,  jumu  na  (i)  bale  ; 20,  mikangu  mibale  ; 30, 
mikangu  miatu ; 40,  mikangu  mine ; 50,  mikangu  mitanu ; 
60,  mikangu  motoba ; 70,  mikangu  nsambu ; 80,  mikangu 
mwambi ; 90,  mikangu  libwa ; 100,  nkama  or  munkama ; 

200,  minkama  mibale  ; 1000,  nkutu  yawi  ; 2000,  nkutu  ibale  ; 
10,000,  mokoko  ; 20,000,  mikoko  mibale. 

The  meaning  of  mikangu  mibale  (20)  is,  two  tyings.  10  is 
often  called  mokangu  mwawi=one  tying,  from  kanga=to  tie. 
It  is  the  custom  of  the  natives  to  roll  their  15-inch  brass  rods 
(the  currency)  into  a series  of  rings  about  1^  inches  in  diameter, 
and  these  they  run  one  on  another,  like  split  rings,  until  there 
are  ten  linked  together,  and  they  call  that  mokangu  mwawi= 
one  tying=10. 


339 


APPENDIX 


The  ordinal  numerals  are  : 

Motu  wa  bo  =The  person  who  is  first,  or  the  first  person. 
„ „ bane  — „ „ four  „ fourth  „ 

„ „ motoba—  „ „ six  „ sixth  „ 

Motu  wa  libwa=t\\e  person  who  is  nine,  or  the  ninth  person. 
,,  „ mikangu  mibale  na  twenty-first  person. 

To  use  a word  of  another  class  we  will  take  elamba— cloth. 

Elamba  ya  bo  =the  cloth  that  is  one,  or  the  first  cloth. 

,,  „ bine  „ ,,  four  ,,  fourth  „ 

„ ,,  motoba—  ,,  ,,  six  „ sixth  ,, 

Elamba  ya  mikangu  miatu  na  bibale =the  cloth  that  is  thirty 
and  two,  or  the  32nd  cloth. 

The  fingers  are  constantly  used  in  counting.  If  a man  wants 
to  say  thirty-four  he  will  say  mikangu  (=tyings=tens)  and 
hold  up  three  fingers  for  those  to  whom  he  is  speaking  to  say 
miatu  (=three),  wa=and,  hold  up  four  fingers  for  them  to  say 
(i)  ne  (=four).  The  letter  in  brackets  changes  according  to 
the  class  of  the  noun  understood.  By  this  means  they  ensure 
their  hearers  following  and  understanding  them,  and  no  one 
can  afterwards  plead  that  they  did  not  hear  the  price  properly, 
as  any  discrepancy  between  the  number  mentioned  by  the 
hearers  and  the  number  of  fingers  held  up  would  be  corrected 
at  the  time. 

The  way  in  which  the  Boloki  folk  use  their  fingers  is  some- 
what irregular,  and  for  the  sake  of  clearness  I draw  two  hands 
and  number  the  fingers  1 to  10 — 1 to  5 left  hand,  and  6 to  10 
right  hand.  1 and  10  are  the  thumbs.  The  right  hand  is  used 
more  than  the  left. 

One  is  expressed  by  doubling  6,  7,  8,  and  putting  10  over 
them,  thus  leaving  9,  the  index  finger,  standing  alone. 

Two,  by  doubling  down  6 and  7 and  putting  10  over  them, 
thus  leaving  8 and  9 standing. 

Three,  by  doubling  down  9 and  putting  10  over  it,  leaving 
6,  7,  and  8 standing. 

Four,  by  putting  10  at  the  bottom  of  the  division  between 
7 and  8,  that  causes  6 and  7 to  come  forward  a little,  so  the 
hand  is  turned  about  that  the  two  sets  of  two  fingers  may  be 
clearly  seen. 

Five,  the  whole  of  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand  are  left 
standing  with  the  palm  turned  towards  the  person  to  whom 
you  are  speaking. 


340 


APPENDIX 

Six,  by  doubling  down  2 on  the  left  hand  and  putting  1 
over  it,  so  leaving  3,  4,  and  5 standing,  and  doubling  down  9 


on  the  right  hand  and  putting  10  over  it,  so  leaving  6,  7,  and 
8 standing,  thus  making  two  sets  of  three  fingers. 

Seven,  the  same  as  4 with  the  right  hand  and  doubling  down 
2 on  the  left  hand  and  putting  1 over  it,  thus  making  a 4 and 
a 3. 

Eight,  by  working  the  right  hand  as  under  4 and  putting 
1 at  the  bottom  of  the  division  between  3 and  4,  and  twisting 
the  hands  about  so  that  the  four  sets  of  two  fingers  may  be 
clearly  seen. 

Nine,  by  holding  up  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand  as  under  5 
and  putting  1 at  the  division  between  3 and  4,  and  twisting 
the  left  hand  about  to  show  the  two  sets  of  two  fingers. 

Ten,  by  holding  all  the  fingers  of  the  two  hands  with 
the  palms  towards  the  auditors,  and  every  folding  down 
of  the  fingers  and  re-spreading  of  them  means  another  10. 
Second  way — by  clapping  the  hands  together,  and  every  clap 
stands  for  10.  Third,  and  more  frequent  method — by  holding 

341 


APPENDIX 

out  the  fist  of  the  right  hand,  and  every  deeided  shake  of  the 
fist  stands  for  ten. 

Eleven,  by  shaking  the  right  fist  and  holding  up  one  finger 
as  deseribed  under  one. 

Twelve,  by  shaking  the  right  fist  and  holding  up  two  fingers 
as  described  under  two  ; and  so  on. 

The  toes  are  very  rarely  used  in  counting.  I have  only  seen 
them  used  when  counting  20,000,  and  then  the  man  stretched 
down  and  put  the  fingers  of  both  hands  on  the  toes  of  both  of 
his  feet  and  said  : mikoko  mibale=20,000.  Sometimes,  when 
trying  to  give  me  an  idea  of  vast  numbers,  they  would  say : 
“ It  will  take  all  our  fingers  and  toes  to  tell  you,”  i.e.  tens  of 
thousands. 

For  addition  and  subtraction  under  10  they  use  their  fingers, 
but  for  higher  numbers  they  use  palm  nuts,  or  anything  suitable 
to  hand.  This  is  not  because  they  are  incapable  of  adding 
and  subtracting  mentally,  but  because  they  are  so  suspicious 
of  each  other  that  they  want  an  ocular  proof  that  the  sum  is 
right,  and  that  neither  one  is  getting  the  better  of  the  other. 
Those  who  know  figures  and  can  run  through  their  arithmetical 
tables  accept  each  other’s  sums,  but  in  transactions  with  the 
untaught  they  resort  to  the  fingers  and  palm  nuts  for  counting. 

They  always  count  by  fives  and  tens,  e.g.  if  a person  wants 
to  make  up  26  brass  rods  he  will  take  3 rods  and  then  put  2 
with  the  3 and  push  that  5 on  one  side,  he  will  make  another 
5 in  the  same  way,  and  then  put  the  two  fives  together,  making 
10,  and  then  make  two  more  fives  and  put  those  together, 
keeping,  however,  the  tens  separate,  then  another  5 is  made 
by  the  3 and  2 process,  and  at  last  1 put  down.  Then  the  two 
tens  are  counted,  and  the  5,  and  lastly  the  1. 


Note  4. — On  Boloki  Relations  oe  Kinship 

The  accompanying  lists  I received  about  the  same  time  from 
two  different  young  men  of  fair  intelligence,  and  after  I had 
written  the  two  lists  down  I called  both  the  young  men  and 
read  over  to  them  their  different  names  for  the  same  relative. 
They  each  argued  that  what  they  had  given  was  the  right  one, 
and  the  other  was  wrong.  I have  found  the  same  difficulty  on 
the  Lower  Congo.  It  is  impossible  to  procure  a list  of  any  real 
value.  My  colleagues  find  it  much  the  same  among  other  tribes. 
The  natives  of  Monsembe  are  unanimous  respecting  the 

342 


APPENDIX 


terms  for  mother: =nyongo ; father=ango  and  iata  {ango  is 
only  used  by  a son  to  the  one  who  begot  him,  tata  is  used  by  a 
slave  to  his  master,  by  a son  to  his  father,  and  I have  heard  it 
used  by  a mother  to  her  son.  It  seems  to  be  a term  of  respect 
in  its  wider  use) ; brother =wA;a/a  ; sister  is  also  nkaja  (a  sister 
calls  her  brother  nkaja,  and  a brother  calls  his  sister  nkaja  ; 
but  if  a girl  speaks  of  her  younger  sister,  or  elder  sister,  she 
uses  the  words  mojimi  for  the  younger  one  and  motomolo  for 
the  elder  only ; the  boy  uses  the  same  words  for  younger  or 
elder  brother) ; younger  sister  or  younger  brother,  nkaja 
mojimi  ; elder  sister  or  elder  brother,  nkaja  motomolo  {nkaja  is 
never  used  in  speaking  of  the  same  sex  as  the  speaker,  i.e.  by  a 
sister  of  a sister,  or  a brother  of  a brother);  wite=mwali; 
husband = moZoi  child = mttJana  ; male  child =m«jawa  lele, 

i.e.  son  ; female  chA6.=mwana  muntaka,  i.e.  daughter  ; grand- 
pa.Tent=nkoko ; great  grandparent  =^nkokolele ; great  great 
grandparent =ndaZoZa  ; but  a grandchild  is  nkoko,  and  so  with 
a great  grandchild=nkokolele,  and  great  great  grandchild  = 
ndalola. 

All  agree  in  the  above  names  for  the  relationships  indicated, 
but  the  farther  you  get  away  from  those  degrees  of  relationship 
the  more  confused  the  native  becomes,  and  the  more  contra- 
dictory will  be  his  statements.  The  terms  of  relationship  are 
employed  in  addressing  each  other,  but  personal  names  are 
also  used  without  any  hesitation.  The  only  exception  is  this  : 
When  two  persons  of  the  same  name  speak  to  or  of  one  another 
they  never  mention  the  name,  but  say,  ndoi= namesake.  The 
names  of  the  dead  are  freely  mentioned,  and  even  passed  on 
to  children.  No  genealogies  are  kept,  and  in  two  or  three 
generations  all  ties  of  near  relationship  are  lost ; and  if,  here 
and  there,  remembered,  are  non-effective  except  where  a man 
can  get  a drink  of  sugar-cane  wine,  or  a feed  by  recalling  kin- 
ship. 


343 


APPENDIX 

LIST  OF  WORDS  FOR  RELATIVES 


ENGLISH 

WORDS  GIVEN  BY  LUTOBA 

WORDS  GIVEN  BY  INTONGI 

Mother’s  brother 

mojika 

mojika  and  mo  mama^ 

Mother’s  brother’s  son 

mo  nyanyo^ 

No  name,  but  takes  name 

Mother’s  brother ’sson’sson 

nso  nyanqo 

of  mojika  on  his  father’s 
death 

Called  by  personal  name 

Mother’s  brother’s  son’s 

nkaja 

until  death  of  father  and 
then  mojika 
No  distinctive  name 

daughter 

Mother’s  sister 

mama 

mama  moti  ® 

Mother’s  sister’s  son  or 

mojimi  or  nkaja 

No  distinctive  name 

daughter 

Mother’s  sister’s  son’s  son 

mojimi  or  nkaja 

No  distinctive  name 

Mother’s  sister’s  son’s 

mojimi  or  nkaja 

No  distinctive  name 

daughter 

Father’s  sister 

tamwalimoto 

tamwalimoto 

Father’s  sister’s  son 

bola 

mwana  wa  tamwalimoto^ 

Father’s  sister’s  daughter 
Father’s  sister’s  son’s  son 

nkaja 

mwana  wa  tamwalimoto 

wa  mwa  nyango  ® 

No  distinctive  name 

Father’s  sister’s  son’s 
daughter 
Father’s  brother 

nkaja 

No  distinctive  name 

tata 

® ta  mungwende,  or  on  his 

Father’s  brother’s  son 

mojimi 

father’s  death  he  is 
called  tata  or  tata  elenge’ 
No  distinctive  name 

Father’s  brother’s  daugh- 

nkaja 

No  distinctive  name 

ter 

Father’s  brother’s  son’s  son 

mojimi 

No  distinctive  name 

Father’s  brother’s  son’s 

nkaja 

No  distinctive  name 

daughter 

Brother’s  child 

mwana 

mwana 

Brother’s  child’s  child 

mwana 

mwana 

Grandfather,grandmother, 

nkoko 

nkoko 

grandchild 

Great  grandfather,  great 

nkokolele 

nkokolele 

grandmother,  great 

grandchild 

Great  great  grandfather. 

ndalola 

ndalola 

great  great  grandmother, 
great  great  grandchild 

^ nso  mama  and  * mo  nt/ango  are  practically  the  same,  as  the  second  word 
in  each  phrase  means  mother,  and  bowels;  and  the  idea  is:  the  one 
who  comes  from  the  same  womb  as  my  mother ; the  word  nso  is  only  used 
of  maternal  relatives. 

® mama  moti  = the  little  mother. 

* mwana  wa  tamn>alimoio  = child  of  tamwalimoto, 

® wa  mwa  nyango  = of  or  from  the  little  mother;  m\oa  is  the  diminutive 
particle. 

® ta  mupffwende= one  who  stands  in  place  of  another. 
tata  deny e= young  or  boy  father. 

344 


7 


APPENDIX 


Mama  is  not  an  introduced  word,  as  we  found  it  in  full  use  on 
our  arrival ; and  although  it  was  often  used  about  one’s  own 
mother,  yet  it  had  the  same  meaning,  as  applied  to  a female 
relative,  mistress,  or  mother,  that  tata  has  to  a male  relative, 
master  or  father. 

By  “ no  distinctive  name,”  I mean  no  term  indicative  of 
relationship.  They  were  known  by  their  personal  name  only. 


Note  5. — On  Native  Diseases 
List  of  Native  Diseases  and  their  Native  Names 

1.  Scrotal  hernia,  lihoke  denotes  an  early  stage,  and  the 
word  also  means  a parcel,  bundle  ; benda  is  a later  stage  when 
the  hernia  is  large  ; and  likuku  the  last  stage  when  the  hernia 
reaches  the  knees.  I have  seen  two  or  three  examples  of  the 
last  stage. 

2.  Paralysis  from  sickness,  boboku.  I never  saw  a case  of 
this. 

3.  Smallpox,  kokotu.  We  had  an  epidemic  of  this  disease 
in  1893.  Some  people  died,  and  others  carry  the  marks  to  this 
day. 

4.  Bad  diarrhoea,  bolete,  is  supposed  to  be  the  result  of  a 
curse. 

5.  Bleeding  at  the  nose  from  any  cause,  bolongo. 

6.  Insanity,  bomwa  ; mild  insanity  in  which  there  is  ex- 
treme foolishness,  lemana. 

7.  Madness  of  a violent  character,  mokalala. 

8.  Idiocy,  bowewe  and  ewelewete. 

9.  Asthmatical  wheezing,  yoko  and  likoko. 

10.  Cough,  ekokotu.  Coughs  and  colds  are  very  common. 

11.  Crack  in  skin,  etena.  This  is  common  and  very  trouble- 
some, especially  when  on  the  sole  of  the  foot,  as  the  hard  skin 
takes  months  to  heal. 

12.  Crippled  limb,  etengumwi.  This  is  very  rare  and  results 
from  a wound  received  in  a fight,  or  from  a burn,  or  from 
walking  on  the  toes,  heel,  or  side  of  the  foot  when  there  is  a 
crack  in  the  sole. 

13.  Nervous  condition,  jita-jita-jita,  i.e.  twitching. 

14.  Bad  fever,  molungi  juku-juku=hea,t,  or  fire  plenty  plenty. 
Fevers  are  common  among  the  natives  and  yield  to  simple 
treatment.  The  temperature  often  goes  very  high. 

15.  Great  debility,  lela. 


345 


APPENDIX 


16.  Poor  state  of  health,  indicated  by  frequent  crops  of  boils 
breaking  out  on  various  parts  of  the  body,  libembe. 

17.  Patches  of  pustular  sores,  lifwanja. 

18.  Sore  throat,  lilele. 

19.  Yaws,  lingala,  mostly  used  in  the  plural,  mangala. 

20.  Puffy  condition  of  the  body,  probably  a form  of  dropsy, 
lontutu. 

21.  Blindness,  lulanda;  not  common. 

22.  Sleeping-sickness,  luwa,  yobi,  and  viakwata. 

23.  Form  of  non-infectious  leprosy  in  which  the  skin  becomes 
a sickly  white,  indurated,  cracked,  and  peeling.  It  is  found 
generally  on  the  hand  and  the  arm  below  the  elbow,  munkana. 

24.  Very  bad  rheumatism,  yambaka.  Persons  suffering  from 
this  complaint  must  not  burn  the  wood  of  a certain  tree  called 
lobaka,  or  the  pain  will  become  more  acute. 

25.  Intestinal  worms,  munsobi,  and  munsembe. 

26.  Dysentery  with  much  blood,  mwajakongo. 

27.  Ague  fever,  nyankili. 

28.  Chest  complaints  of  all  kinds,  as  pleurisy,  pneumonia, 
etc.,  are  called  ntulu=c\\Qst ; to  feel  or  suffer  from  such  is  oka 
ntulu = hear,  i.e.  feel  the  chest.  It  is  also  called  mobanji = side,  ribs. 

29.  Elephantiasis,  mungita;  not  very  common. 

30.  Abscesses  and  severe  boils,  litunganaka. 

31.  Umbilical  hernia,  muntolu;  very  common. 

32.  Scabies,  mputu. 

33.  Fits  and  convulsions,  bonsinga. 

34.  Sciatica,  and  extreme  debility,  yombi. 

35.  Boil,  ndala  ; very  frequently  found. 

36.  Mild  form  of  rheumatism,  mokoko. 

37.  Cataract  of  the  eye,  elalei  and  molondo  ; common. 

38.  Blindness  in  one  eye,  muntelele  ; occasionally  found. 

39.  Ganglion  on  back  of  hand  and  wrist,  etai. 

40.  Deafness,  Idko  ; very  seldom  noticed. 

41.  Dumbness,  mbubu.  I never  met  with  a case,  but  the  fact 
that  a word  is  known  for  it  shows  that  the  complaint  is  occa- 
sionally to  be  found  among  the  people. 

42.  Venereal  diseases,  lisabu. 

Note  6. — On  Health  of  White  Men  on  the  Congo 

Perhaps  the  following  statistics  respecting  the  health  of  white 
people  on  the  Congo  will  interest  the  reader.  I have  kept  care- 
ful notes  during  the  last  thirty  years,  and  the  figures  may  be 

346 


APPENDIX 


accepted  as  accurate.  The  figures  refer  only  to  Missionaries  of 
the  Baptist  Missionary  Society. 

One  hundred  and  ten  men  have  joined  the  Mission  since  its 
inception  in  1878  until  December  31st,  1911. 


Of  these : died . . . . . .38 

Left  for  various  reasons  (not  through  health)  8 


„ through  personal  health 

. 

. 15 

,,  „ wife’s  health  . 

• 

6 

67 

Still  in  active  service , 

• 

. 43 

Total 

• 

. 110 

Died  during  first  year  on  the  Congo 

13 

,,  ,,  second  ,, 

99 

3 

„ „ third 

99 

7 

„ „ fourth  „ 

99 

3 

,,  ,,  fifth  ,, 

99 

1 

„ „ sixth 

99 

2 

„ „ seventh  „ 

99 

2 

„ „ eighth  „ 

99 

1 

„ „ ninth 

99 

1 

,,  ,,  tenth  ,, 

99 

1 

„ „ twelfth  „ 

99 

1 

,,  „ sixteenth,. 

99 

1 

,,  ,,  twenty-sixth 

99 

2 

38 


Of  the  above  men,  died  of  haimaturic  fever  . 9 

„ malarial  ,,  . .19 

,,  dysentery  . . 2 

„ other  diseases  . . 6 

Died  in  a London  Hospital  from  cancerous  growth 

in  the  stomach  ......  1 

Died  in  England  from  embolism  (clot  in  the  blood- 
vessels of  the  brain)  .....  1 

Total 38 

During  recent  years  we  have  found  it  advisable  for  men  to 
remain  out  only  for  a first  term  of  two  years  instead  of  three 

347 


APPENDIX 

years,  and  afterwards  four  years  instead  of  five  years  as 
formerly. 

During  the  same  period  79  ladies  have  joined  the  Mission. 
Of  these  : 


Died 

. 

19 

Left  as  widows  . 

11 

Left  for  personal  health 

11 

Left  for  husband’s  health 

■ 

4 

45 

Still  in  active  service  . 

• 

• 

34 

Total 

• 

• 

79 

Died  during  the  first  year  on  the  Congo 

5 

,,  second  ,, 

99 

1 

„ third 

99 

2 

99 

,,  fourth  ,, 

99 

5 

99 

,,  sixth  „ 

99 

1 

99 

„ eighth  „ 

99 

2 

99 

„ eleventh  „ 

99 

1 

99 

,,  fourteenth 

99 

1 

99 

„ twenty-sixth 

99 

1 

19 


Of  the  above  ladies,  died  of  haematuric  fever  . . 5 

„ malarial  „ . .7 

„ puerperal  „ . .3 

„ meningitis  . . .1 

,,  abscess  on  the  liver  . 1 

Died  from  typhoid  fever  at  Eastbourne  . . .1 

Died  from  some  brain  trouble  in  America  . . 1 

19 

During  the  first  years  of  our  Mission  we  lost  the  most  of 
our  men  through  bad  houses,  poor  food,  and  ignorance  of  the 
proper  treatment  of  fevers,  etc.  From  1878  to  1890  we  lost 
in  twelve  years  20  men  by  death  ; but  during  the  twenty  years 
from  1891  to  1911  we  have  lost  18  men,  although  we  have  had 
in  the  field  on  active  service  twice,  and  sometimes  thrice,  as 
many  men  as  in  the  earlier  twelve  years.  The  first  years  cost 

348 


APPENDIX 


us  most  dearly  while  we  were  buying  our  experience.  I might 
say  that  we  are  total  abstainers,  but  are  willing  to  take  alcohol 
medicinally ; and  the  smokers  and  non-smokers  are  about 
equally  divided.  Every  man  and  woman  must  undergo  a very 
strict  and  careful  medical  examination  before  being  accepted 
by  the  Committee  of  the  Society. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  first  year  of  a man’s  life  on  the  Congo 
is  the  most  crucial  one,  and  the  next  trying  year  is  the  third, 
i.e.  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  a man’s  first  term  of  service. 
We  have  altered  the  first  term  to  two  years.  In  the  case  of  the 
ladies  the  first  year  and  the  fourth  are  the  erueial  ones.  The 
ladies’  first  term  of  service  has  always  been  two  years,  then  one 
year  at  home.  The  figures  point  to  the  early  months  of  the 
first  and  second  terms  as  being  most  fatal.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  the  ladies  have  stood  the  climate  better  than  the  men  ; 
but  they  have  never  roughed  it  as  the  men,  nor  do  they  ever 
have  to  expose  themselves  in  doing  the  kind  of  work  that 
necessarily  falls  to  the  men — looking  after  building,  trans- 
port, etc. 


349 


INDEX 


Accidents,  331,  333 

Adultery,  128,  181 

African  International  Association,  20 

Albinos,  325 

Ancestors,  268 

Arts  and  crafts,  83 ; leather-work, 
84  ; string-making,  85  ; bark-cloth, 
86;  pottery,  87;  metal- work,  89, 
90  ; salt-making,  91  ; songs,  93  ; 
carpentering,  95 

Astronomy,  knowledge  of,  141 ; be- 
liefs re  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  142 

Bangala  tribe,  the,  18,  27,  161 ; lan- 
guage, 48 ; station,  48  ; district,  161 
Bantu  tribe,  the,  159,  160 
Bark-cloth,  86 

Barter,  system  of,  143 ; and  cur- 
rency, 39 

Belgian  maladministration,  20  ; atro- 
cities, 24,  25 
“ Bespoke  ” money,  123 
Blood-brotherhood,  72,  73,  100,  226 
Blood-feuds,  99,  181 
Bokomela  tribe,  the,  31,  32 
Boloho,  202 

Bomuna  tribe,  the,  161,  162,  163, 
250 

Bonjoko,  99 

“ Books,’’  superstitions  concerning, 
40,  46,  47,  74 
Boys,  training  of,  143,  145 
Brass  rods,  39  n. 

Bread-making,  335 
Bride-price,  the  123 
Building,  methods  of,  65 
Bumba,  34,  35 

Bungundu  Tribe,  the,  28,  29,  30 
Burial  alive,  103,  320,  319 ; burial 
customs,  104,  105 
Bush-burning,  229,  230 
“ Bush-people,”  the,  19 

Cannibalism,  31,  69,  70,  78,  104 


Charms,  145,  146,  147,  232,  255,  280, 
287,  302 

Child-bearing,  beliefs  concerning, 
129,  130,  131 

Children,  twins,  130,  132,  133,  141, 
273,  290 

Circumcision,  298 
Cloud- folk,  274 
Coffins,  317 

Congo  boy  in  England,  79 
Congo  Free  State,  the,  20 
Congo,  reforms  in  the,  25 ; Bolobo 
Mission,  28;  Basin,  159;  River, 
161,  236 

Cookery,  difficulties  of,  44 ; native, 
117 

Corpses,  decoration  of,  316 ; smoking 
of,  317 

Counting,  Boloki  method  of,  142, 
339-42 

Court  of  justice,  183 
Crimes,  native,  179 
Curiosity,  native,  74 
Curses,  native,  299-301 
Customs,  26,  102,  103 ; marriage, 
122,  171,  179  ; burial,  314 
Crocodiles,  332 

Dancing,  119,  120,  227,  321 
Death,  three  causes  of,  314 ; life 
after,  321 

Diboko  (Nouvelles  Anvers),  48, 161, 
163 

Diseases,  269,  325,  344,  345 ; diag- 
nosis of,  330 

Disembodied  spirits,  250,  263,  267 
Divorce,  128 
Dogs,  hunting,  233 
Dreams,  262 
Drunkenness,  101 

Eboko,  114,  126 
Education,  75,  140,  143 
Explosion,  an,  316 


INDEX 


Families,  social  status  of,  170 
Fc&sts  104' 

Fetishes,  252-6  ; fetish  bell,  292,  302 
Fish  collecting  for  the  Museum,  235 ; 

traps,  236-44 
Floods,  231 
Folk  lore,  197-221 
Food,  117,  160 
Funeral  ceremonies,  322 

Game,  230,  231 
Games,  149-58 
Goats,  present  of  two,  44 
Government,  democratic,  of  Boloki 
tribe,  172 

Government,  ideal  of  European,  26  ; 

native,  169 
Graves,  318 

Healers  of  special  diseases,  327 
Hospitality,  117, 137 
Hospitals,  ^4 
Houses,  native,  43 
Human  sacrifices,  97,  263 
Hunting,  145,  229-34 

Immorality,  147 
Inheritance,  laws  of,  111,182 
Insanity,  173,  291 
Islands,  165 

Jando,  272 
Judge,  the  chief,  179 
Justice,  native  ideas  of,  182 ; court 
of,  183-186 ; author  as  judge, 
192;  typical  cases,  193-196 

Kiteke  tribe,  the,  257  n. 

Labour,  114 

Libinza  Lake,  161,  162,  163,  165 
Land,  communal  rights  of,  109 
Language,  “trade,”  48;  Bangala, 

48,  50-54.  57-64,  336,  339 
Laws,  native,  170,  179 
Leather-work,  84 

Leopold  II,  King  of  Belgium,  20,  25 
Longa,  107,  202,  249 
Love-philtres,  286 

Lower  Congo,  the  men  of,  160,  162, 
230,  246,  251,  254,  257,  267,  276, 
230,  314,  335 

Lupus  in  the  Congo,  73  n. 

Makwata  and  his  talking  spear,  278 

351 


Manga,  100,  101 
Mangumbe,  264 

IVTflCCQfTP  QQT 

Mata,\d2,  170, 171  ; Bwiki,  163, 169 
Matadi,  19 

Mayeya’s  long  dive,  277 
Meat,  mode  of  preserving,  232 
Medicine  men,  and  witch-doctors  and 
mt^ic,  95,97, 102, 103, 232, 251, 258 
Medicine,  native,  327 
276,  280,  284,  293,  311,  324 
Metal-work,  89,  90 
Migration  of  native  tribes,  162 
Milk-brotherhood,  132 
Mission  on  the  Congo,  137 
Mokwete,  story  of,  118 
Monanga,  170 
Monogamy,  138.  139 
Monoka  mwa  Nkoi,  166 
Monsembe  District,  the,  34,  36,  159, 
163,  231 

Monsters,  mythical,  273 
Mourning,  signs  of,  320,  321 
Moon,  beliefs  concerning,  142,  248 
Mother-in-law,  the,  133,  134 
Mungala  Creek,  the,  163,  164  ; river, 
164 

Munyata,  murder  of,  164 
Murder,  punishment  for,  181 , detec- 
tion of  murderer,  310 
Musuku,  22 

Natives,  characteristics  of,  17,  23, 
24,  25,  117,  174,  176,  177 
Nether  world,  the,  321 
Nouvelles  Anvers  Station,  48,  161, 
163 

Nursing  the  sick,  316 
Nzambi,  247 

Omens,  131,  226,  227,  233,  262 
Ordeals,  poison,  182,  185-9; 

various,  190,  191 

Palavers,  191 
Peace,  the  steamer,  27 
Pictures,  learning  to  read,  173 
Pioneers,  early  Christian,  22  n. 
Polygamy,  125,  134,  135,  136,  139 
Portuguese  Roman  Catholic  Mission, 
24  n. 

Pottery,  87 

Purification,  rite  of,  102 
Raiding  expeditions,  166 


INDEX 


Railways,  the  narrow-gauge,  19 
Rain-doctors,  96,  280 
Religious  beliefs,  246,  249,  250,  251, 
252,  254,  255,  257,  258,  263 
Reincarnation,  belief  in,  130,  198 
River-rights,  110 

Rivers : Congo,  161,  237  ; Mobangi, 
161 ; Welle,  161 ; Nrgiri,  165 ; 
Mungala,  164 

San  Salvador,  17,  22,  258 
Salt-making,  91 
Salutations,  107 
Skulls,  use  of,  323 
Slaves,  no.  111,  113,  125,  170 
Sleeping-sickness,  treatment,  289 
Smallpox,  native  cure  for,  288 
Smith,  a native,  90 
Snake  omen,  the,  131,  226 
Songs,  native,  92,  93,  120 
Spirits : belief  in,  98,  250,  261  ; dis- 
embodied, 263  ; fear  of,  266  ; de- 
ception of,  267  ; effect  of,  268 ; of 
disease,  269,  325 ; transference 
into  criminals,  271,  282  ; of  wealth, 
271 ; of  the  bush,  274 ; transfer- 
ence into  spears,  274;  in  trees,  275  ; 
of  the  saucepan,  286 ; possession, 
328 

Sport,  native,  144,  239 
Stanley  Pool,  19 
String-making,  85 
Suicide,  322 

Superstitions,  40,  46,  131,  167,  176, 
197,  227,  232,  248,  323 
Swimming,  144 

Taboos,  84,  114,  294;  permanent, 
196  ; temporary,  297  ; removal  of, 
298,  326 


Tattooing,  140,  141,  167 
Teeth,  chiselling  of,  141 
Theft,  147,  175,  180;  detection  of 
thief,  310 

Time,  system  of  reckoning,  142 
Trade  and  currency,  114,  115,  143 
Trade  routes,  21,  22 
Trading  factories,  22 
Transmigration,  197 
Traps,  game,  145,  233,  234,  236 
Tribal  marks,  167 
Totems,  131,  132,  147,  294 
Twins,  treatment  of,  130 

“ Undertakers,”  native,  317 
Upper  Congo,  17,  49,  129,  230,  237, 
246,  280,  332 

Villages,  115 
Virgins,  136 

Vocabulary,  collecting  a,  50-4,  57-61 

War,  tribal,  68,  116 ; the  family 
light,  222  ; the  town  fight,  224 
Weapons,  227,  228 
Wine : sugar-cane,  100,  254,  322, 
335 ; palm,  335 

Women  : native  treatment  of,  77,  78, 
95  ; widows.  111,  117  ; family  life, 
119;  marriage,  122-6;  divorce, 
128  ; quarrels  about,  226  ; disposal 
of  widows.  111,  321 ; mourning  of 
widows,  321  ; rights  of  wives,  125  ; 
loan  of  wives,  125 ; self-defence  of 
wives,  126 ; exchange  of  wives, 
128,  264 ; inherited  wives,  182 ; 
white,  347 

Workmen,  native,  81,  82 
Zanzibaris,  the,  20,  21 


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